Tamil Nadu Government announces breakfast Scheme for state – run schools
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In News
The Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, M K Stalin, announced that the state government is all set to roll out a breakfast scheme for state-run school children of Classes 1 to 5.
Breakfast Scheme
The Tamil Nadu government will implement the ‘Chief Minister’s Breakfast Scheme’ at 1,545 government primary schools to benefit 1.14 lakh children in classes 1 to 5.
This is claimed to be the first of its kind initiative in India to ensure nutrition.
The scheme will be implemented this current fiscal year at a cost of ₹33.56 crore.
Breakfast consisting of a meal with sambar and vegetables will be provided to children in all working schools.
Every student is to be provided 150-500 gram breakfast with sambar with vegetables.
On two days, the breakfast will be made of millets.
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PM Shri Schools
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In News
Union Education Ministry is planning to set up “PM Shri Schools”.
PM Shri Schools
PM Shri Schools will be the laboratory of National Education Policy (NEP) 2020.
They will be fully equipped to prepare students for the future.
Features
It could imbibe 5+3+3+4 (to replace the 10+2 schooling system) approach of NEP covering pre-school to secondary, emphasis on ECCE, teacher training & adult education.
There will be an integration of skill development with school education and prioritising learning in mother tongue which are steps for preparing global citizens of the 21st century.
Since the NEP 2020 also increases the span of the Right to Education Act, it will now cover ages 3 to 18.
5+3+4 System
As per the new school education system of 5+3+3+4 outlined in NEP 2020, children will spend 5 years in the Foundational stage, 3 years in the Preparatory stage, 3 years in the Middle stage, and 4 years in the Secondary stage.
The division of stages has been made in line with the kind of cognitive development stages that a child goes through early childhood, school years, and secondary stage.
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Swachh Sagar, Surakshit Sagar”
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In News
This year on 17th September 2022, the Government of India along with other voluntary organizations, and the local society will run a cleanliness campaign “Swachh Sagar, Surakshit Sagar” along India’s entire coastline.
About Campaign
This campaign will include Ministry of Earth Sciences (MoES), Ministry of Environment Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC), Indian Coast Guard, National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) along with other social organizations and educational institutions.
This campaign will see massive public participation both physically and virtually, mainly to make awareness about reducing the marine litter, minimal use of plastics, segregation at source and waste management.
It will be the first-of-its-kind and longest running coastal cleanup campaign in the world with highest number of people participating in it.
The participation of common man will convey the message of “Swachh Sagar, Surakshit Sagar” for the prosperity of not only coastal areas but also other parts of the country.
A mobile app “Eco Mitram” has been launched to spread awareness about the campaign and also for the common people for voluntary registration for the beach cleaning activity on the 17thSeptember 2022.
Through this campaign, a mass behavioural change among the masses is intended by raising awareness about how plastic usage is destroying our marine life.
A 75 days long campaign will be launched from 03rd July 2022 to raise awareness about “Swachh Sagar, Surakshit Sagar” culminating on “International Coastal Cleanup Day” on 17thSeptember 2022.
Globally, “International Coastal Clean Up Day” is celebrated on the third Saturday of September, every year.
India’s coastline of more than 7,500 km reflects our vast ocean resources. Most importantly, the Indian Ocean is the only ocean named after a country, that is, India.
Commonwealth Games 2022: Mirabai Chanu wins India’s first gold medal
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Daughter of India, weightlifter Mirabai Chanu has won India’s first Gold Medal at the Commonwealth Games 2022 in the Women’s 49Kg weightlifting category. She aggregated a total of 201kg (88kg+113kg) to stamp her authority in the competition and achieve a Commonwealth Games record in the process. The silver went to Mauritius’ Marie Hanitra Roilya Ranaivosoa (172kg) and the bronze to Canada’s Hannah Kaminski (171 kg).
Last year, Chanu won a silver medal in the 49kg category of Women’s weightlifting event at the Tokyo Olympics. And with that, she became the first Indian weightlifter to win a silver medal in Olympics. Chanu also become the second Indian weightlifter to win an Olympic medal after Karnam Malleswari bagged bronze in the 69kg category at the 2000 Sydney Games when the weightlifting arena was opened to women for the first time.
Gati Shakti Sanchar Portal
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In 2021 the Government launched the ambitious Gati Shakti Scheme or National Master Plan for multi modal connectivity . To coordinated planning and execution for infrastructure project to bring down logistics costs. Recently , Gati Shakti Portal has launched.
About Gati Shakti Sanchar Portal
Launched on :- 14th May 2022
Launched by :- Department of Telecommunications
Objective :- To speed up and centralize the approvals for installations of towers laying the fibre wires and boosting of the upcoming 5G rollout.
Gati Shakti Master Plan
Road ways capacity to be increased
Railways transport cargo capacity to be increased
Renewable capacity to be increased to 225 GW by FY 25
4G connectivity for villages by FY 22
Transmission network to be increased to 4,54,200 circuit Km.
Around 200 new airports heliports and water aerodromes to be envisioned.
2021 में सरकार ने मल्टी मोडल कनेक्टिविटी के लिए महत्वाकांक्षी गति शक्ति योजना या राष्ट्रीय मास्टर प्लान शुरू किया। रसद लागत को कम करने के लिए बुनियादी ढांचा परियोजना के लिए समन्वित योजना और निष्पादन के लिए। हाल ही में, गति शक्ति पोर्टल लॉन्च किया गया है
गति शक्ति संचार पोर्टल के बारे में
लॉन्च किया गया :- 14 मई 2022
द्वारा लॉन्च किया गया :- दूरसंचार विभाग
उद्देश्य :- फाइबर तारों को बिछाने वाले टावरों की स्थापना और आगामी 5G रोलआउट को बढ़ावा देने के लिए अनुमोदन में तेजी लाने और केंद्रीकृत करने के लिए।
गति शक्ति मास्टर प्लान
सड़क मार्ग की क्षमता बढ़ाई जाए
रेलवे परिवहन कार्गो क्षमता बढ़ाई जाएगी
अक्षय क्षमता को वित्त वर्ष 25 तक बढ़ाकर 225 गीगावाट किया जाएगा
वित्तीय वर्ष 22 तक गांवों के लिए 4जी कनेक्टिविटी
ट्रांसमिशन नेटवर्क को बढ़ाकर 4,54,200 सर्किट किलोमीटर किया जाएगा।
करीब 200 नए हवाईअड्डे हेलीपोर्ट और वाटर एयरोड्रोम की कल्पना की जाएगी।
30th June 2022 – The Hindu Newspaper Analysis
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30th June 2022 :- The Hindu Newspaper Analysis
Page 1: Govt. hikes GST for household items
Tax hikes will kick in for over two dozen goods and services, ranging from unbranded food items, curd and buttermilk to low cost hotels, cheques and maps, the Goods and Services Tax (GST) Council decided.
Page 6: The anti-defection law — political facts, legal fiction
The practice of legislators from changing political parties during their term continues unabated in Indian legislatures despite the Tenth Schedule having been inserted into the Constitution in 1985.
Commonly known as the ‘anti-defection law’, it was meant to arrest the practice of legislators from changing political affiliations during their term in office.
The second paragraph of the Tenth Schedule allows for disqualification of an elected member of a House if such member belonging to any political party has voluntarily given up membership of their party, or if they vote in the House against such party’s whip.
Paragraph 4 creates an exception for mergers between political parties by introducing three crucial concepts — that of the “original political party”, the “legislature party”, and “deemed merger”.
A “legislature party” means the group consisting of all elected members of a House for the time being belonging to one political party, whereas an “original political party” means the political party to which a member belongs.
Interestingly, Paragraph 4 does not clarify whether the original political party refers to the party at the national level or the regional level, despite the fact that that is how the Election Commission of India recognises political parties.
Paragraph 4 suggests that a merger can take place only when an original party merges with another political party, and at least two-thirds of the members of the legislature party have agreed to this merger. It is only when these two conditions are satisfied that a group of elected members can claim exemption from disqualification on grounds of merger.
The second sub-paragraph (of Paragraph 4) says that a party shall be “deemed” to have merged with another party if, and only if, not less than two-thirds of the members of the legislature party concerned have agreed to such merger.
Paragraph 4 seems to be creating a “legal fiction” so as to indicate that a merger of two-third members of a legislature party can be deemed to be a merger of political parties, even if there is no actual merger of the original political party with another party.
The merger exception was created to save instances of the principled coming together of political groups from disqualification under the anti-defection law, and to strike a compromise between the right of dissent and party discipline. ∙ Defection gets easier in smaller legislative assemblies, where even a sole member can account for two-thirds of the legislature party’s strength to cross the floor without attracting disqualification.
Law Commission in 1999 and the National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution ((NCRWC) in 2002 recommended for deletion of Paragraph 4 from Tenth Schedule.
Page 7: The Indian challenge in Afghanistan
India’s record as a ‘first responder’ is improving by the day as 24 hours after a massive earthquake hit Afghanistan, the Indian Air Force moved in with tonnes of relief. That is impressive.
Stressing “historical and civilizational relationship ties” with the Afghan people, Delhi announced the arrival of a technical team to “closely monitor and coordinate the efforts of various stakeholders” for the effective delivery of humanitarian assistance. This followed the arrival of a delegation led by a senior official to Afghanistan.
India has around 400 projects in all the 34 provinces of Afghanistan. With the Taliban offering protection to foreign embassies, and acting quickly in the recent gurdwara bombing, it is possible that the Indian effort will continue unimpeded. It is also important to remember that the Taliban have never actively been anti-India. Difficulties in implementation are more likely to arise from intra-Afghan tensions rather than any hostility to India.
Page 7: A direct approach to conservation
Incentives for biodiversity protection and sustainable use include biodiversity-relevant taxes, fees, levies, tradeable permits, and Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES). Through these economic instruments, governments can affect both public and private financing flows for biodiversity. Mobilisation of biodiversity finance through pesticide levies, admission fees to natural parks, hunting and fishing permit fees, and the trade-in energy-saving certificates has gained governmental support and political will, but the mobilisation of private and public finance for PES has lacked luster.
People who can help provide the desired ecosystem service are rewarded based on their actions, or the quantity and quality of the services themselves.
PES presents a unique scope for incentivising local land stewards to manage threatened ecosystems. It has the potential to achieve the dual goals of conservation and poverty alleviation towards the achievement of Sustainable Development Goals. This places PES as one of the pivotal economic instruments for conservation.
However, PES has not achieved much attention either in the research or policy mandate in the Indian subcontinent. This is in sharp contrast to the successful implementation of PES in Latin American and African countries.
Limitations include a solid institutional mechanism capable of simultaneous transfer of funds from buyers to suppliers, monitoring through investment in local capacity building, cost efficiency, the scope for development benefits, and maintaining the sustainability of funds.
The OECD (2019) Biodiversity: Finance and the Economic and Business Case for Action highlighted the importance of evaluating financial instruments’ performance in attaining biodiversity goals.
A global initiative such as the United Nations Environment Programme Finance Initiative to mobilise private sector finance to benefit people and the environment would help maintain the funds. The cheapest way to receive anything you desire is to pay for it directly. This would allow the country to effectuate the nation’s commitments to achieving the 2030 agenda for sustainable development and the Paris Agreement on climate change.
Page 8: How Turkey made peace with Sweden and Finland joining NATO
NATO announced the signing of a MoU between Turkey, Finland and Sweden which has led to Turkey vocalising its support for the inclusion of both the nations in NATO.
The key provisions of the MoU include the following three points: a joint commitment between Turkey, Finland, and Sweden to counter terrorism; addressing the pending extradition of terror suspects through a bilateral legal framework, and investigating and interdicting “any financing and recruitment activities of the PKK and all other terrorist organisations.”
Finland and Sweden assured that “their respective national regulatory frameworks for arms exports enable new commitments to Allies”. Both countries also promised to stand against disinformation and to fully commit to EU’s CSDP (Common Security and Defence Policy) and Turkey’s participation in the PESCO (Permanent Structured Co-operation) Project on Military Mobility.
Turkey, after negotiations, agreed to withdraw its opposition for the following reasons. First, Finland and Sweden should promise to address counter-terrorism provisions within their countries. Finland has committed to modify its criminal code, and Sweden has assured to implement the new “Terrorist Offenses Act” from July 1. Second, Turkey had raised concerns about Finland and Sweden being home to Kurdish activists and militant organisations. Finland and Sweden have now agreed to execute the pending “deportations or extraditions” of listed ‘terror’ suspects made by Turkey. Third, lifting the arms embargo. There has been no clear definition about the category of weapons, but Finland and Sweden will remove the arms embargo against Turkey. Since Finland and Sweden have addressed all the above primary concerns of Turkey, Ankara has decided to withdraw its opposition to Helsinki and Stockholm.Turkey wanted the two countries to lift embargoes on weapons deliveries they imposed in response to Turkey’s 2019 military incursion into Syria.
Russia shares a 1,340 kilometre long border with Finland. Sweden, though it does not share a land border, shares the Baltic Sea with Russia. The land/sea borders with Russia place both countries under direct threat from the Kremlin.
Since 1948, Finland, Sweden and Russia have maintained economic cooperation, but the relations always remained strained due to the Cold War and Finland’s neutrality principle. If Sweden and Finland join NATO, it means an enlarged presence of the latter around the west and north of Russia. This would go against the very objective of Moscow interfering in Ukraine — maintaining Russian influence in its immediate neighbourhood.
Both Sweden and Finland are part of the Arctic States; Russia currently holds the Arctic Council chair and will remain the chair until 2023.
What does this mean for NATO?
First, strengthening the alliance. Both Finland and Sweden which have followed the non-alignment principle have broken from their natural rule and decided to join NATO. This does not only mean guarantee of security against Russia but it also gives NATO the power to engage.
Second, NATO will gain strategic ground to counter Russia. The addition of more allies means a steady expansion of the NATO towards the East, through which it will now be able to exercise its military operations both on land and in the Baltic Sea, where Russia holds a strategic position.
NATO will now also be able to position its weapon systems — further its combat formation and plan its attack techniques to power up deterrence and defence.
In 1997, NATO initiated the rapprochement in order to build bridges with Russia. However, with Russia annexing the Crimean Peninsula in 2014 and launching a war in Ukraine, NATO’s rapprochement efforts came to an end.
Third, a secured Euro-Atlantic. NATO presence in the region will securitise and safeguard the Baltic states, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, which were earlier at risk due to their close proximity to Russia and Russian attacks. This will not only help Ukraine win the war but will also enable NATO to bring in advanced weapons such as fifth-generation aircraft, technological weapon systems and strong political institutions across the allied countries.
The European Union and Washington both recognise the (Kurdistan Workers’ Party) PKK as a terrorist organisation because of the brutal tactics it employed during a decades-long insurgency against the Turkish state.
Page 10: ISRO set to launch three satellites today
Indian Space Research Organisation’s second dedicated commercial mission of NewSpace India Ltd., began.
The PSLV-C53, the 55th flight of ISRO’s workhorse launch vehicle, will carry on board three satellites from Singapore.
The satellites — DS-EO, a Singaporean Earth Observation Satellite, NeuSAR, Singapore’s first small commercial satellite carrying a SAR payload, and SCOOB-I satellite from the Nanyang Technological University — will be launched from the Satish Dhawan Space Centre, Sriharikota.
Page 10: India-Australia defence talks in Dehradun
Armies of India and Australia held the ninth Army to Army Staff Talks in Dehradun which were focused on joint military exercises, training cooperation and preparing a roadmap for enhanced defence cooperation.
Talks were held at the Indian Military Academy (IMA) and both sides reviewed the road map for activities promoting defence cooperation like training courses between both the Armies, cadet exchange programmes between pre-commission training academies, bilateral ex Austra hind, subject matter expert exchange in niche domains, functional and high level visits, interaction between think tanks, virtual interactions in field of medical and doctrinal exchanges.
Page 12: Speeding major cause of death: Lancet study
Steps taken to check vehicle speed on roads in India could alone have the biggest impact on ensuring road safety.
Interventions focusing on four key risk factors such as speeding, drunk driving, non-use of crash helmets and seat belts could prevent 25% to 40% of the 13.5 lakh fatal road injuries worldwide every year.
According to the Road Transport and Highway Ministry’s 2020 report, speeding accounted for 69.3% of deaths, non-wearing of helmets resulted in 30.1% deaths and non-use of seat belts caused 11.5% of deaths.
Road traffic injuries (RTIs) are the eighth leading cause of death globally for all ages and the first cause in the 5-29 years age group.
The second decade of Action for Road Safety 2021-2030 sets an ambitious target of preventing at least 50% of road traffic deaths and injuries by 2030 and the Union Road Transport and Highways Minister aims to halve the numbers for India by 2024.
Page 12: ‘G-20 summit expected to be in Delhi’
India is expected to host the G-20 summit in Delhi, while a number of States, including Jammu and Kashmir and north eastern States, have been asked to suggest venues for about 100 “preparatory” meetings expected to be held between December 2022 and November 2023 during India’s G-20 presidency.
Page 12 : 63,000 farm co-ops to be digitized
Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA) approved a proposal to digitise around 63,000 primary agricultural credit societies (PACS).
PACS are the smallest unit in the cooperative sector and their computerisation will prove to be a boon for it.
In this digital age, the decision of computerisation of PACS will increase their transparency, reliability and efficiency, and will also facilitate the accounting of multipurpose PACS.
Each PACS will get around ₹4 lakh to upgrade its capacity and even old accounting records will be digitised and linked to a cloud based software.
Page 13: U.S. to bolster its military in Europe
U.S. is enhancing its military presence in Europe for the long haul to bolster regional security after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. ∙ U.S. is establishing a permanent headquarters in Poland, sending two additional F-35 fighter jet squadrons to the United Kingdom and will send more air defence and other capabilities to Germany and Italy.
Page 13: In a first, NATO lays out ‘challenges’ from China
NATO, for the first time in its guiding blueprint, said China’s might challenges the alliance and Beijing’s closer ties to Moscow went against Western interests.
The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) stated ambitions and coercive policies challenge our interests, security and values,” NATO’s strategic concept published at a summit in Madrid said.
NATO accused China of targeting NATO members with its “malicious hybrid and cyber operations and its confrontational rhetoric”.
NATO’s guiding document — updated for the first time since 2010 — said Russia was the “most significant and direct threat to allies’ security” after its invasion of Ukraine.
Page 14: Rupee weakens past 79 on dollar buying by FPIs, oil firms
The rupee has continued to move on the downhill journey since the beginning of the year, amid a backdrop of heavy foreign fund outflows from the domestic markets, strength in the safe-haven dollar towards two-decade highs, and firming crude oil prices.
Strong long-term fundamentals, political stability, and a large pile of forex reserves are likely to provide a cushion to the Indian rupee.
The Indian rupee has been adversely affected mainly by the FIIs pulling out funds from the equity market, rising crude prices, the deteriorating trade balance and dollar strengthening.
Page 14: ‘GST hike for pumpsets will affect farm sector’
The increase in GST rates for pumpsets to 18% from 12%, as recommended by the GST Council, will hit the agriculture sector. ∙ The average minimum cost of an agriculture pumpset is ₹40,000, excluding GST. With the increase in GST from 12% to 18%, a farmer, who is the customer of the pumpset, would have to pay₹2,400 more only towards GST.
With this increase, the difference in cost between a branded pumpset and a locally-assembled one would widen and farmers would prefer to go for alternatives that would cost lower, he said. The assembled pumpsets would not have energy efficiency rating and increase in use of such pumpsets would indirectly result in electricity losses.
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29th June 2022 – The Hindu Newspaper Analysis
Page 1: G7 to cap Russia’s income from oil sales
Leaders of the world’s wealthiest democracies struck a united stance to support Ukraine for “as long as it takes” as Russia’s invasion grinds on, and said they would explore far-reaching steps to cap Kremlin income from oil sales that are financing the war.
The leaders also agreed on a ban on imports of Russian gold and to step up aid to countries hit with food shortages by the blockade on Ukraine grain shipments through the Black Sea.
Page 8: The essence of time
In 1992 (Kilhoto Hollohan vs Zachillhu), a Constitution Bench, while upholding the validity of the anti-defection law, held that the Speaker’s decision was subject to judicial review, albeit on limited grounds. It also made it clear that this should take place after a final decision, and there can be no interim order, except if there is an interim disqualification or suspension.
Page 8: Remembering the ‘Plan Man’ of India
June 29, is national ‘Statistics Day’, in ‘recognition of the contributions made by Prof. Prasanta Chandra Mahalanobis’, the ‘Plan Man’ of India; it is also his birthday. It was P.C. Mahalanobis, who established a strong statistical culture in India and nourished it diligently through his lifelong endeavours.
Mahalanobis certainly believed data to be instrumental in efficient planning for national and human development. Planning in the newly independent nation in the 1950s was largely based on the data obtained from various surveys.
Tagore treated Mahalanobis as a close confidant, despite an age gap of 32 years, and they shared a three decades long friendship. ∙ Seventeen-year-old Mahalanobis first met Tagore at Santiniketan in 1910.
In 1919, when Tagore had written a public letter to Lord Chelmsford, the Viceroy of India, protesting the Jallianwala Bagh massacre and renouncing knighthood, he asked Mahalanobis to read it first. Mahalanobis accompanied Tagore on many of his international visits, mostly in the 1920s.
Mahalanobis wrote a series of essays titled ‘Rabindra Parichay’ (‘Introduction to Rabindra’) for the prestigious Bengali magazine, Probashi. He also wrote a book, Rabindranath Tagore’s Visit to Canada in 1929. When Tagore met Einstein in 1930, Mahalanobis was also with him.
Mahalanobis established the Statistical Laboratory within the Baker Laboratory at Presidency College. Tagore also visited the Statistical Laboratory several times. In fact, it was Tagore who coined the Bengali word, ‘Rashibijnan’ for ‘Statistics’.
In 1933, Mahalanobis founded Sankhyā, the Indian Journal of Statistics.
Mahalanobis, of course, helped Tagore immensely in his dream project — the founding of Visva Bharati. He not only served as a joint secretary of Visva Bharati for 10 years from the beginning but he was also a member of the governing body, executive council, academic council, and the agricultural board.
There is little denying that data, in general, is on an ever expanding pathway and is growing exponentially. Attempts such as transforming the Planning Commission to NITI Aayog or merging the National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) with the Central Statistical Office (CSO) to form the National Statistical Office (NSO) may not be enough though. One certainly misses a person of the stature of Mahalanobis at the helm of the system. Also, the Mahalanobis-type innovation, dedication, and diligence are dearly missed.
Page 9: Bring the shine back on government jobs
In 2019, an Indian citizen died of suicide every hour due to joblessness, poverty or bankruptcy, according to the National Crime Records Bureau.
The problem is two-fold. First, vacancies in the government are not being filled at a sufficient pace. There were over 60 lakh vacancies in the government across all levels in July 2021.
Second, where vacancies are being filled, they are notably skewed towards contractual jobs. In 2013, the Supreme Court ruled that a contractual employee for a government department was not a government servant.
Instead of expanding contractual employment, we should seek to bolster public services. For the past few decades, we have been under-investing in public goods — as witnessed by the COVID-19 crisis, our healthcare system simply does not have the capacity to provide adequate healthcare support to citizens under normal conditions, let alone a pandemic. Expanding public service provisioning will also lead to the creation of good quality jobs, along with skilled labour, offering us social stability. A push for enhancing public health would lead to the creation of societal assets.
Consider renewable power generation. There is significant potential for job creation (for example, in rooftop solar power generation, manufacturing of solar panel modules and end-use servicing). Meanwhile, on the waste management front, there is significant scope for expanding waste-water treatment capacity, with the building and management of treatment plants for sewer waste and faecal sludge treatment plants leading to generation of jobs.
A push for adopting electric vehicles and encouraging green mobility would require significant manpower, leading to the generation of ‘green jobs’. In addition, we must continue to encourage urban farming, with significant job potential in permaculture, gardening and nursery management.
Reforms advocated by the Administrative Reforms Commission should be our initial step. This is the time to build capacity for an efficient civil service that can meet today’s challenges – providing a corruption-free welfare system, running a modern economy and providing increasingly better public goods. Improved public service delivery, through better compensation, should be our ethos.
Page 9: A problematic provision
In States with bicameral legislatures, seats in the Legislative Council are filled following an indirect election in which members of the Legislative Assembly cast votes.
Section 62(5) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951, which prevent MLAs from casting their votes. In the past, the Supreme Court has observed that the intent of this provision is to maintain the integrity of elections by excluding ‘persons with criminal background’ from participating in them.
However, Section 62(5) does not use conviction as the yardstick for disenfranchisement; it uses confinement. As a result, undertrial prisoners (who constitute over 75% of India’s nearly 5 lakh prisoners) cannot vote. Neither can persons detained in civil prison for failing to repay a debt. But remarkably, a person who has been convicted for a criminal offence and has managed to secure bail can vote.
Indeed, it appears that as a result of a poor choice of words, an otherwise well-intentioned law has snatched away the right to vote from an undertrial who is presumed to be innocent and from a civil offender, but has granted it to a criminal convict (out on bail) whose guilt has been determined.
Section 62(5) in direct collision with Article 14 of the Constitution (equality before the law to all persons). Whenever a law treats two groups of persons unequally, it must satisfy a set of basic tests under Article 14 to be valid: the distinction created by the law must be based on coherent differences between the two groups of persons, and these differences must have a rational link with the objective that the law seeks to achieve.
As alternatives, the provision could have disenfranchised persons convicted of certain heinous offences or those sentenced for a minimum duration.
Through the MLAs’ votes, the residents of their constituencies indirectly exercise their franchise in the election to the Vidhan Parishad. By preventing MLA from casting their votes, the court has inadvertently stripped all their constituents of their franchise.
The apex court must re-examine the issue in the totality of its circumstances and Parliament must replace the provision with a tightly worded version disenfranchising only certain classes of prisoners.
Page 10: China’s interventions in the Horn of Africa
China has been investing across the African continent throughout the last decade. While the emphasis has been on investments and raw materials but with the first “China-Horn of Africa Peace, Governance and Development Conference”, it took a turn.
This is the first time China aims “to play a role in the area of security”. China’s focus on the Horn is a part of its focus on Africa. ∙ China’s three objectives in Africa: controlling the pandemic, implementing a Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) outcomes, and upholding common interests while fighting hegemonic politics.
The FOCAC promotes China’s role in the infrastructural and societal development of the Horn. In the 2021 forum, the entire region of the Horn participated and four resolutions were adopted: the Dakar Action Plan, the China-Africa Cooperation Vision 2035, the Sino-African Declaration on Climate Change and the Declaration of the Eighth Ministerial Conference of FOCAC.
Beijing has also initiated the “2035 vision for China-Africa cooperation”; it aims to transform the health sector, alleviate poverty, promote trade and investments, and expand digital innovation. The vision also focuses on green development, capacity building, improving people-to-people exchanges and facilitating peace and security in the continent.
China’s interests are related to four major areas: infrastructural projects, financial assistance, natural resources and maritime interests.
China is also interested in minerals such as gold, iron-ore, precious stones, chemicals, oil and natural gas in Ethiopia. South Sudan, a source for petroleum products, has had continued Beijing investment in the industry since the latter’s initial entry in 1995.
China’s first and only military base outside its mainland is in Djibouti. U.S. has speculated that China wishes to build another military base in Kenya and Tanzania, thereby increasing its military presence in the region.
Africa has been keen on interacting with China. Despite the wariness surrounding China’s projects in Africa, the governments have mostly been welcoming.
Peace and stability is a mutual requirement for China and Africa. For Africa, Chinese investments could lead to stable environments which could help the countries achieve their peace and development objectives. For China, conflict in the region comes at a heavy cost.
China’s move towards peace in Africa indicates a shift in its principle of non-intervention. It is China’s message that its presence in the continent has a larger objective and is not likely to be limited to the Horn of Africa. This includes an aim to project itself as a global leader and boost its international status.
Page 10: The G7 plan to counter the Belt and Road initiative
U.S. along with his G7 allies unveiled the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII), announcing the collective mobilisation of $600 billion by 2027 to deliver “game-changing” and “transparent” infrastructure projects to developing and middle-income countries.
The PGII is being seen as the G7’s counter to China’s multi-trillion dollar Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to build connectivity, infrastructure, and trade projects in Asia, Europe, Africa, and Latin America.
All PGII projects will be driven by “four priority pillars that will define the second half of the 21st century”. Tackling the climate crisis and ensuring global energy security, bolstering digital information and ICT networks, promoting gender equality and equity, and lastly, to build and upgrade the global health infrastructure.
A PGII project has been announced in India. On the other hand, India has stayed away from China’s BRI, being wary of Beijing’s aim to increase its influence in the Indian Ocean Region.
The U.S., along with G7 partners the U.K., Japan, France, Canada, Germany, Italy, and the European Union (EU), had in 2021 announced the launch of the Build Back Better World (B3W) with the aim of narrowing the $40 trillion infrastructure gap in the developing world. PGII is therefore, a relaunch of Mr. Biden’s B3W plan.
PGII as a “values-driven, high-impact, and transparent infrastructure partnership to meet the enormous infrastructure needs of low and middle-income countries and support the United States’ and its allies’ economic and national security interests”.
The G7 members aim to collectively mobilise $600 billion by 2027 to invest in sustainable and quality infrastructure projects in developing countries, including India, and strengthen global supply chains.
First, the G7 grouping aims to tackle the climate crisis and ensure global energy security through clean energy supply chains. Second, the projects will focus on bolstering digital information and communications technology (ICT) networks facilitating technologies such as 5G and 6G internet connectivity and cybersecurity. Third, the projects aim to advance gender equality and equity, and lastly, to build and upgrade global health infrastructure.
The Belt and Road project was started to revive connectivity, trade, and infrastructure along what was China’s ancient Silk Road. China had announced a two-pronged approach of building a Silk Road Economic Belt on Land and a maritime 21st century Silk Road. The project initially aimed to strengthen connectivity with Southeast Asia but later expanded to South and Central Asia, Africa, Europe, and Latin America.
Under the PGII, large private capital will be also mobilised while China’s BRI is majorly state-funded.
While G7 leaders emphasised ‘transparency’ as the cornerstone of PGII projects, the BRI has faced criticism for making countries sign confidential tenders for extending massive loans, leaving countries indebted to China.
Page 11: GST reform needs a new grand bargain
The States gave up their right to collect sales tax and sundry taxes, and the Centre gave up excise and services tax. The consent of the States was secured by a promise of reimbursing any shortfall in tax revenues for a period of five years. However, as the economy battles a pandemic and recession, it seems that the States have been told that they are on their own to meet shortfall in revenues.
This is wrong on many counts. First, the States do not have recourse to multiple options that the Centre has. Second, the Centre can anyway command much lower rates of borrowing from the markets. Third, in terms of aggregate public sector borrowing, it does not matter for the debt markets whether it is the States or the Centre that is increasing their indebtedness. Fourth, fighting this recession through increased fiscal stimulus is the Centre’s domain. Fifth this causes a serious dent in the trust built up between the Centre and States.
The nationwide GST promised frictionless commerce across State borders, buoyant and leakproof tax compliance, and removal of inefficiencies like the cascade of “tax on tax”.
The reimbursement was to be funded by a special cess called the GST compensation cess. The promised reimbursement was to fill the gap for an assured 14% year on year tax growth for five years, and it was generous to a fault. Neither the national aggregate nor any of the major States had this record for the previous five years.
A low moderate single rate of 12% encourages better compliance, reduces the need to do arbitrary classification and discretion, reduces litigation and will lead to buoyancy in collection.
Even after 28 years of the 73rd and 74th Amendments, the local governments do not have the promised transfer of funds, functions and functionaries. These local bodies face increased responsibility of providing government services especially in view of increased urbanisation and decentralisation. Of the 12% GST, 10% should be equally shared between the States and the Centre, and 2% must be earmarked exclusively for the urban and rural local bodies, which ensures some basic revenue autonomy to them. The actual distribution across panchayats, districts and cities would be given by respective State Finance Commissions.
GST is a crucial and long-term structural reform which can address the fiscal needs of the future, strike the right and desired balance to achieve co-operative federalism and also lead to enhanced economic growth. The current design and implementation has failed to deliver on that promise. A new grand bargain is needed.
Page 14: Coast Guard squadron in Porbandar
The Coast Guard commissioned the 835 Squadron (CG) of indigenous Advanced Light Helicopter-Mk- IIIs at the air enclave in Porbandar.
The ALH helicopters have been indigenously manufactured by Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd. (HAL).
They feature state-of-the-art equipment, including advanced radar and electro-optical sensors, the Shakti engine, a full glass cockpit, a high-intensity searchlight, advanced communication systems, an automatic identification system and search and rescue (SAR) homer.
The features enable them to undertake maritime reconnaissance as well as carry out SAR at extended ranges even while operating from ships during both day and night.
The aircraft has the ability to switch roles from an offensive platform with heavy machine gun to that of a benign one carrying a medical intensive care unit to facilitate transfer of critically ill patients.
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29 जून 2022 – द हिंदू समाचार पत्र विश्लेषण
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28 जून 2022 – द हिंदू समाचार पत्र विश्लेषण
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28 जून 2022 – द हिंदू समाचार पत्र विश्लेषण
पृष्ठ 1: ‘भारत का गिग कार्यबल 2030 तक 2.35 करोड़ तक पहुंच जाएगा
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28th June 2022 – The Hindu Newspaper Analysis
Page 1: ‘India’s gig workforce to reach 2.35 crore. by 2030’
The Centre’s policy think tank NITI Aayog has recommended steps to provide social security, including paid leave, occupational disease and accident insurance, support during irregularity of work and pension plans for the country’s gig workforce, which is expected to grow to 2.35 crore by 2029-30.
India requires a framework that balances the flexibility offered by platforms while also ensuring social security of workers. The consequent platformisation of work has given rise to a new classification of labour — platform labour — falling outside of the purview of the traditional dichotomy of formal and informal labour.
The report broadly classifies gig workers into platform and non platform-based workers. While platform workers are those whose work is based on online software applications or digital platforms, non-platform gig workers are generally casual wage workers and own-account workers in the conventional sectors, working part time or full time.
The report noted that at present, about 47% of gig work is in medium-skilled jobs, about 22% in high-skilled, and about 31% in low-skilled jobs, and the trend shows the concentration of workers in medium- skilled jobs is declining and that of the low skilled and high-skilled is increasing.
By 2029-30, gig workers are expected to form 6.7% of the non agricultural workforce or 4.1% of the total livelihood workforce in India.
The think tank has also recommended introducing a ‘Platform India initiative’ on the lines of the ‘Startup India initiative’.
Note :- Talaq-e-Hasan is a form of ‘triple talaq’ by which a Muslim man can divorce his wife by pronouncing ‘talaq’ at three separate intervals — the gap being least one month or one menstrual cycle. Bigamous marriage has been made punishable among Christians by Christian Marriage Act, 1872, amongst Parsis by Parsi Marriage and Divorce Act, 1936, and amongst Hindus, Buddhists, Sikhs and Jains by Hindu Marriage Act, 1955.
Page 6: States, freebies and the costs of fiscal profligacy
Ideally, governments should use borrowed money to invest in physical and social infrastructure that will generate higher growth, and thereby higher revenues in the future so that the debt pays for itself. On the other hand, if governments spend the loan money on populist giveaways that generate no additional revenue, the growing debt burden will eventually implode and end in tears.
The Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG) had in fact pointed out that in respect of some States ‘if extra-budgetary borrowings are taken into account, the liabilities of the government are way above what is acknowledged in the official books’.
The obvious motivation for States in expanding freebies is to use the exchequer to build vote banks. A certain amount of spending on transfer payments to provide safety nets to the most vulnerable segments of the population is not only desirable but even necessary.
The problem arises when such transfer payments become the main plank of discretionary expenditure, the spending is financed by debt, and the debt is concealed to circumvent the FRBM targets.
The more States spend on transfer payments, the less they have for spending on physical infrastructure such as, for example, power and roads, and on social infrastructure such as education and health, which can potentially improve growth and generate jobs.
In theory, the first line of defence has to be the legislature, in particular the Opposition, whose responsibility it is to keep the Government in line. But given the perils of our vigorous democracy, the Opposition does not dare speak up for fear of forfeiting vote banks that are at the end of these freebies.
Another constitutional check is the CAG audit which should enforce transparency and accountability. In practice, it has lost its teeth since audit reports necessarily come with a lag, by when political interest has typically shifted to other hot button issues.
The amount States borrow collectively every year is comparable in size to the Centre’s borrowing which implies that their fiscal stance has as much impact on our macroeconomic stability as does that of the Centre.
FRBM Acts of the Centre as well as States need to be amended to enforce a more complete disclosure of the liabilities on their exchequers. Even under the current FRBM provisions, governments are mandated to disclose their contingent liabilities, but that disclosure is restricted to liabilities for which they have extended an explicit guarantee. The provision should be expanded to cover all liabilities whose servicing obligation falls on the Budget, or could potentially fall on the Budget, regardless of any guarantee.
Under the Constitution, States are required to take the Centre’s permission when they borrow. The Centre should not hesitate to impose conditionalities on wayward States when it accords such a permission.
Constitution of India which allows the President to declare financial emergency in any State if s/he is satisfied that financial stability is threatened. This Brahmastra has never been invoked so far for fear that this will turn into a political weapon of mass destruction. But the provision is there in the Constitution for a reason.
Page 7: From higher to hire education
University Grants Commission has relaxed the norms and standards for setting up open universities. In particular, land requirement has been reduced from 40 acres to just five acres. This is likely to open the floodgates for private open universities.
Simultaneously, more universities are being enabled to offer courses in the distance, open and online mode, mostly in collaboration with EdTech startups and unicorns.
Higher education is now getting delivered by for-profit entities, in contravention of the long-held belief that education at all levels must be provided on a not-for-profit basis.
The idea of providing higher educational opportunities in a non formal mode is not new. Most mainstream universities in India have been allowing students, particularly women and working people, to learn on their own and take university exams as private candidates. Many have performed quite well.
Information Communication and Entertainment technologies, augmented and virtual realities, artificial intelligence and machine learning are being touted as technologies with immense possibilities for transforming the delivery of education.
Two years of COVID-19-compelled online education seems to have convinced them that in future, education, particularly higher education, will transform into a virtual space.
No wonder even the strongest proponents of online and virtual education feel that such programmes be subjected to stricter oversight, tighter regulations, and rigorous processes to ensure high standards and robust quality control.
Given the fact that the quality of higher education is inversely proportional to the intensity of regulation, designing and developing an efficient and effective regulatory mechanism often proves more challenging than imagined.
The open and distance mode of learning, including the latest model based on digital and virtual delivery, often finds favour with the government due to cost considerations. It is, however, wrong to assume that these are economical and cost-effective. To be effective, they not only require massive capital investment in infrastructure, but also demand a significantly higher recurring expenses on content development and their continuous updating and upgradation.
Digital delivery and technology integration in education may undoubtedly serve a useful purpose. Technology can be effectively leveraged as a quality-enhancement tool. It would, however, be a blunder to regard technology-mediated teaching learning as an alternative to face-to-face education. Technology can supplement and not substitute teachers.
No world-class universities, including those with a high degree of technology integration in their teaching and learning processes, are planning to cut down their faculty cost or their number any time soon. On the contrary, they envision hiring more of them to attain greater excellence.
Page 7: Modi’s two summits: UAE trumps G7
India is a ‘special invitee’ at the 48th G7 Summit at Schloss Elmou in Germany.
If the U.S. is exempted, no G7 country comes close to the UAE as India’s trading partner, exports market, Indian diaspora base and their inward remittances. Foreign Direct Investment data, the UAE invested more in India in 2021 than Germany and France combined.
Unlike the UAE, none of the G7 countries has yet signed a bilateral Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with India. Their bilateral trade grew by 68% in 2021-22, growing to a new record.
As the UAE collects petrodollars, India, the world’s fastest growing major economy, could be a lucrative market for investments in areas such as petrochemicals, pharmaceuticals, renewables, infrastructure, manufacturing, logistics, start-ups, etc.
The two sides can collaborate for the eventual reconstruction of the war-ravaged regional countries such as Yemen, Syria, Somalia, Iraq, Libya and Afghanistan. In the bilateral political domain, the two sides have cooperated efficiently on security and anti terrorism, but they need to do more to fight money laundering and the flow of illicit narcotics.
India, the UAE’s second-largest trading partner, and largest source of tourists and manpower, can be a useful ally.
Note :- Today, a huge market for clean energy technologies is emerging in India. G7 countries can invest in research, innovation, and manufacturing in this field. The scale that India can provide for every new technology can make that technology affordable for the whole world
Page 9: When defection is a mere detour for an MLA
The most prominent case of political defection was that of Haryana’s Gaya Lal, originally an independent MLA who, in 1967, juggled between the Congress and Janata Party for two weeks. The recurrence of this phenomenon led to the 1985 Anti Defection Law.
The Anti-Defection Law provided a safeguard for defections made on genuine ideological differences. It accepted “split” within a party if at least one-third of the members of the legislative party defect, and allowed the formation of a new party or “merger” with other political party if not less than two-thirds of the party’s members commit to it. The 91st Constitutional Amendment introduced in 2003 deleted the provision allowing split. ∙ The Karnataka byelection results have widely put to display the ineffectiveness of the Anti-Defection Law.
Legislation empowers the presiding officer of the House (i.e. the Speaker) to decide on complaints of defection under no time constraint. The law originally protected the Speaker’s decision from judicial review. However, this safeguard was struck down in Kihoto Hollohan v. Zachillhu and Others (1992). While the SC upheld the Speaker’s discretionary power, it underscored that the Speaker functioned as a tribunal under the anti-defection law, thereby making her/his decisions subject to judicial review. This judgment enabled judiciary to become the watchdog of the anti defection law, instead of the Speaker, who increasingly had become a political character contrary to the expected neutral constitutional role.
The 91st Amendment also barred the appointment of defectors as Ministers until their disqualification period is over or they are re elected, whichever is earlier. But, obviously, such laws have not put to rest the trend of defections.
Defection can only be stopped by extending the disqualification period from re-contesting and appointment to Chairmanships/Ministries to at least six years. The minimum period limit of six years is needed to ensure that the defectors are not allowed to enter the election fray for least one election cycle, which is five years.
Page 12: World Bank approves $250-mn loan to boost India’s road safety
The World Bank has approved a $250 million loan to support the Government of India’s road safety programme for seven States under which a single accident reporting number will be set up to better manage post-crash events.
The India State Support Programme for Road Safety, financed by the World Bank, will be implemented in the States of Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Odisha, Tamil Nadu, Telangana, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal.
The project will also establish a national harmonised crash database system in order to analyse accidents and use that to construct better and safer roads. The project will also provide incentives to States to leverage private funding through public private partnership (PPP) concessions and pilot initiatives.
Page 12: India, EU resume FTA negotiations
India and the European Union (EU) resumed negotiations, after a gap of over eight years, for a comprehensive free trade agreement, a move aimed at strengthening economic ties between the two regions.
India had started negotiations for a trade pact with the EU in 2007, but the talks stalled in 2013 as both sides failed to reach an agreement on key issues.
Page 12: Sikar in Rajasthan tops school grading index at district level
Ministry of Education’s Performance Grading Index for Districts (PGI-D) for 2019 has been released.
It studied 83 indicators grouped in six categories. These categories are outcomes, effective classroom transaction, infrastructure facilities and student’s entitlements, school safety and child protection, digital learning and governance process.
The PGI-D grades the districts into 10 grades with the highest achievable grade being ‘Daksh’, which is for districts scoring more than 90% of the total points in that category or overall.
‘Utkarsh’ category is for districts with score between 81-90%, followed by ‘Ati-Uttam’ (71-80%), ‘Uttam’ (61-70%), ‘Prachesta-I’ (51-60%), ‘Prachesta-II’ (41-50%) and ‘Pracheshta III’ (31-40%).
The lowest grade in PGI-D is called ‘Akanshi-3’ which is for scores up to 10% of the total points.
There are 12 States and Union Territories which do not have even a single district in the ‘Ati-uttam’ and ‘Uttam’ categories and these include seven of the eight States from the North East region.
Page 14: NATO to raise response force from 40,000 to 3 lakh troops
NATO will increase the strength of its rapid reaction force nearly eightfold to 3,00,000 troops as part of its response to an “era of strategic competition.
In NATO’s new strategic concept, the alliance is also expected to address for the first time the security challenges posed by China.
Page 14: G7 vows support for Kyiv ‘as long as it takes’
The Group of Seven most industrialised countries vowed enduring support for Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression.
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27th June 2022 – The Hindu Newspaper Analysis
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27th June 2022 – The Hindu Newspaper Analysis
27th June 2022 – The Hindu Newspaper Analysis
Page 1: ‘China upgraded firepower on LAC’
Vastly expanded troop accommodation within 100 km from the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in the western sector, long-range artillery and rocket systems, upgraded air defence systems, expanded runways and hardened blast pens to house fighter aircraft — these are some of the major upgrades undertaken by the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) on its side in the past two years since the stand-off in the eastern Ladakh began.
They have also set up captive solar energy and small hydel power projects all along the LAC. This enhances their winter sustenance capability manifold.
Note :- Amaranthus refers to a wide variety of leafy vegetables including Kirkire Soppu and Dantina Soppu, highly nutritious and still consumed but in a limited quantity it has economic benefits too and farmers can have multiple harvest to supplement their income. Amaranthus was an excellent source of calcium, magnesium, potassium, vitamin A, B and C, and an incredible source of vitamin K and the crop offered the most nutrition per calorie than most foods.
Page 8: Regressive, inhumane
When a democracy rolls back a constitutional right that has been in place for almost half a century, it must consider itself in deep peril.
Supreme Court of US withdrew from women anywhere in the country their right to reproductive and bodily autonomy.
States can now decide whether to ban abortion, and at what stage in a pregnancy and under what circumstances. The fight over abortion has been the U.S.’s most passionately waged ideological battle.
The decision has in effect divided the U.S. territorially — States where women have the right to abortion, and those where they do not. Where they do not, women with unplanned or unwanted pregnancies, including possibly in some jurisdictions those that endanger the mother’s life or are a result of rape or incest, may have no option but to seek medical assistance in other States. This needs resources and support structures, and many women will be left with no option other than clandestine, unsafe abortions nearer home.
Chillingly, there is fear that miscarriages could be subject to criminal investigations.
Page 8: Making sense of New Delhi’s Taliban rapprochement
The Pakistan-led coalition’s success and luck in toppling a United States-supported constitutional order in Afghanistan has brought to surface unexpected developments.
Just hours after the Taliban’s takeover, in 2021, India was the first country to immediately ban all Afghans travelling to India, including students and patients with a valid Indian visa.
India chose to abstain from the UN Security Council’s calling on the Taliban to open girl schools and continues to remain silent about a worsening situation in Afghanistan.
Afghanistan is a security-centric concern, in particular, the nexus of Islamic militancy, illicit drugs and proxy warfare. India is a primary target for this alliance. The Taliban’s victory realised two important ideological and strategic goals of militant Islamists and their Pakistani patron: establishing a “pure Islamic Government” in the Heart of Asia and securing Pakistan’s “Strategic Depth”. ∙ Mahmud Ghaznavi was the first to recruit tribal warriors from today’s Afghanistan/Pakistan border region to attack and plunder India more than 1,000 years ago.
In its first war against India in 1948, Pakistan mobilised a tribal army to attack India.
The U.S.’s peace agreement with the Taliban ended the U.S.’s half-hearted and confused hostility with the Taliban. It did not however terminate other drivers of the Afghan conflict.
The Taliban have excluded all non-Taliban Pashtuns from public space, there are also systematic violations of the human rights of the non-Pashtun communities which amount to crime against humanity, and ethnic cleansing which borders on genocide.
An “India First” policy seems to drive Delhi’s Taliban rapprochement. If so, it will destroy a central pillar of India’s foreign and security policy, the dismantling of the region’s “terrorist infrastructure”.
Notwithstanding India’s strategic hesitancy and caution during the last two decades in Afghanistan, it attained two important benchmarks of becoming an ideational and trustworthy partner.
Afghanistan needs a strong UN mandate, including a UN-led political transition process supported by a UN peace keeping/making force. India can lend its support to such endeavours which are worthy of its character, ambition and Afghanistan’s needs.
Page 9: Bringing MSMEs into global value chains
Micro-, small and medium enterprises (MSME) actually account for over 99% of businesses. MSMEs are the largest employer in India outside of agriculture, employing over 11.1 crore people, or 45% of all workers.
It is no exaggeration to call MSMEs – privately owned enterprise with less than RS 50 crore in investments in plant and machinery and turnover below Rs 250 crore – the backbone of the Indian economy.
The disruption of the pandemic severely impacted MSMEs, especially those in the services sector.
Their small size and lack of access to resources meant that many were only beginning to mount a fragile recovery just when renewed war, supply shocks and soaring fuel, food and fertilizer prices presented a host of new threats. And all of this comes against the backdrop of the ongoing climate crisis, the greatest disruption multiplier of all.
While some MSMEs operate at the highest industry standards, most do not meet today’s standards on productivity, environmental sustainability, and health and safety of workers. This is further exacerbated by the high degree of informality in the sector, with many enterprises unregistered, and both employers and workers are lacking awareness of and commitment to comply with labour and environmental laws. As a result, informal enterprises cannot access formal MSME support and financing nor participate in global value chains that require full compliance with all applicable regulations.
The Government of India has rightly identified the development of the country’s MSME ecosystem as a top priority for achieving Atma Nirbhar Bharat (self-reliant India). India’s ambitious “Make in India” campaign aims to catapult the country up the manufacturing value chain to position itself as a global manufacturing hub. Initiatives such as the production linked incentives (PLI) schemes and the recently launched zero effect zero defect (ZED) certification are helping to promote and boost the sector.
Agencies such as the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO), International Labour Organization (ILO), United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), UN Women, IFAD and others are working with MSMEs as they navigate a rapidly changing post-pandemic economic landscape shaped by large-scale transitions, chiefly digitalisation, greening and the reorganisation of value chains.
Therefore, there is a need for replicable digital solutions adapted for MSMEs, including digital enhancements for machinery and equipment currently in use. Government initiatives such as the Digital Saksham and the interlinking of the Udyam, e-Shram, National Career Service (NCS), and Atmanirbhar Skilled Employee Employer Mapping (ASEEM) portals show the promise of targeted digitalisation schemes.
The Prime Minister’s Employment Generation Programme (PMEGP) is also creating opportunities for self-employment and micro enterprises.
ILO, together with the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce & Industry (FICCI) and corporates, is supporting MSMEs in creating and retaining jobs, with over 150 MSMEs having improved productivity, aligned to international standards and integrated into global supply chains, and the Start and Improve Your Business programme.
To fully unlock emerging opportunities in the rapidly changing global value chain ecosystem and maximise the demographic dividend, MSME owners need to further commit to formalising their businesses, investing in improved productivity, compliance and most of all, decent work and jobs for India’s aspiring youth.
Page 9: How Hanoi and New Delhi are fortifying defence ties
The furtherance of India’s Act East Policy, maritime multilateralism, maritime security outreach and the building of stronger networks across the Indo-Pacific are some of the key elements which have made New Delhi and Hanoi natural partners. The two countries recently deepened bilateral cooperation with the singing of the Joint Vision Statement on India-Vietnam Defence Partnership towards 2030.
The Joint Vision Statement is aimed at boosting the scope and scale of the existing defence cooperation between the two nations.
The two sides also signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on Mutual Logistics Support. This is the first agreement of its kind that Hanoi has entered into with any other country and elevates the standing of Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP) which Hanoi shares with New Delhi since 2016 (along with only Russia and China).
Because of the volume of maritime trade that passes through sea lanes of communication in the Indo-Pacific and potential as well as estimated energy reserves in these waters, maritime cooperation between countries in the region have expanded exponentially. Undoubtedly, for India and Vietnam too, the maritime domain in particular has occupied a central focus. Both countries find convergence in their approaches towards the maintenance of stability and security of the Indo-Pacific which has translated into diplomatic and political support in the context of developments within the region.
Defence partnership between the two countries has been growing steadily following the singing of the Defence Protocol in 2000 and today covers extensive navy-to-navy cooperation spanning the exchange of intelligence, production and logistical support for Vietnam’s defence requirements, development of naval facilities such as Nha Trang, defence dialogues, high-level visits and the supply of warships and cruise missiles.
Vietnam has and continues to be one of the most vocal countries with respect to China’s periodic transgressions in the South China Sea. In India, Vietnam has found an equally uncompromising partner when it comes to the question of violations of freedom of navigation and threats to sovereign maritime territorial rights as enshrined under international maritime law.
Both countries have expanded areas of collaboration and are supportive of each other’s individual and multilateral involvements within the rubric of the Indo-Pacific.
Page 10: Indian laws on abortions
In the 1960s, in the wake of a high number of induced abortions taking place, the Union government ordered the constitution of the Shantilal Shah Committee to deliberate on the legalisation of abortion in the country.
In order to reduce maternal mortality owing to unsafe abortions, the Medical Termination of Pregnancy (MTP) Act was brought into force in 1971. This law is an exception to the Indian Penal Code (IPC) provisions of 312 and 313 and sets out the rules of how and when a medical abortion can be carried out.
Under Section 312 of the IPC, a person who “voluntarily causes a woman with child to miscarry” is liable for punishment, attracting a jail term of up to three years or fine or both, unless it was done in good faith where the purpose was to save the life of the pregnant woman.
Section 313 of the IPC states that a person who causes the miscarriage without the consent of the pregnant woman, whether or not she is the in the advanced stages of her pregnancy, shall be punished with life imprisonment or a jail term that could extend to 10 years, as well as a fine.
Under the Medical Termination of Pregnancy (Amendment) Act, 2021, abortion is permitted after medical opinion under stipulated circumstances. The 2021 Act increased the upper limit of the gestation period to which a woman can seek a medical abortion to 24 weeks from 20 weeks permitted in the 1971 Act. But this renewed upper limit can only be exercised in specific cases.
Gestational age, calculated in weeks, is the medical term to describe how far along the pregnancy is and is measured from the first day of the woman’s last menstruation or period.
Another major amendment was that MTP could not be accessed on the opinion of a single registered medical practitioner up to 20 weeks of the gestational age. From 20 weeks up to 24 weeks, the opinion of two registered medical practitioners is required.
Under the 2021 Act, medical termination of pregnancy is permitted if it is backed by medical opinion and is being sought for at least one of the following reasons — (1) If the continuation of pregnancy would involve a risk to the life of the pregnant woman (2) If its continuation would result in grave injury to the woman’s physical or mental health (3) In the case of a substantial risk that if the child was born, it would suffer from serious physical or mental abnormality.
The pregnancy can be terminated upto 24 weeks of gestational age after the opinion of two registered medical practitioners under these conditions — (1) If the woman is either a survivor of sexual assault or rape or incest (2) If she is a minor (3) If her marital status has changed during the ongoing pregnancy (i.e. either widowhood or divorce) (4) If she has major physical disabilities or is mentally ill (5) On the grounds of foetal malformation incompatible with life or if the child is born, it would be seriously handicapped (6) If the woman is in humanitarian settings or disaster, or emergency situations as declared by the government.
Besides, if the pregnancy has to be terminated beyond the 24- week gestational age, it can only be done on the grounds of foetal abnormalities if a four-member Medical Board, as set up in each State under the Act, gives permission to do so.
The law, notwithstanding any of the above conditions, also provides that where it is immediately necessary to save the life of the pregnant woman, abortion can be carried out at any time by a single registered medical practitioner.
Unmarried women can also access abortion under the above mentioned conditions, because it does not mention the requirement of spousal consent. If the woman is a minor, however, the consent of a guardian is required.
Despite the fact that existing laws do not permit unconditional abortion in the country, in the landmark 2017 Right to Privacy judgement in the Justice K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India and others, the Supreme Court had held that the decision by a pregnant person on whether to continue a pregnancy or not is part of such a person’s right to privacy as well and, therefore, the right to life and personal liberty under Article 21 of the Constitution.
The MTP Act requires abortion to be performed only by doctors with specialisation in gynaecology or obstetrics. However, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare’s 2019-20 report on Rural Health Statistics indicates that there is a 70% shortage of obstetrician-gynaecologists in rural India.
As the law does not permit abortion at will, critics say that it pushes women to access illicit abortions under unsafe conditions.
Page 11: Implications of India’s new VPN rules
India’s cybersecurity agency passed a rule mandating Virtual Private Network (VPN) providers to record and keep their customers’ logs for 180 days. It also asked these firms to collect and store customer data for up to five years. It further mandated that any cybercrime recorded must be reported to the CERT-In (Computer Emergency Response Team) within six hours of the crime.
In response to the CERT-In rules, VPN providers are either moving its servers out of the country or will shut down their physical servers in India and cater to users in India through virtual servers located outside India.
CERT-In directions are applicable to data centres, virtual private server (VPS) providers, cloud service providers, virtual asset service providers, virtual asset exchange providers, custodian wallet providers and government organisations. Firms that provide Internet proxy-like services through VPN technologies also come under the ambit of the new rule. Corporate entities are not under the scanner.
VPN suppliers leaving India is not good for its burgeoning IT sector. Taking such radical action that highly impacts the privacy of millions of people in India will most likely be counterproductive and strongly damage the IT sector’s growth in the country.
A virtual server is a simulated server environment built on an actual physical server. It recreates the functionality of a dedicated physical server. The virtual twin functions like a physical server that runs software and uses resources of the physical server. Multiple virtual servers can run on a single physical server.
Virtual servers are also said to offer higher security than a physical server infrastructure as the operating system and applications are enclosed in a virtual machine. This helps contain security attacks and malicious behaviour inside the virtual machine.
Virtual servers are also useful in testing and debugging applications in different operating systems and versions without having to manually install and run them in several physical machines. Software developers can create, run, and test new software applications on a virtual server without taking processing power away from other users.
Page 13: ‘Restoration of trust between States and Centre essential for GST system’
Restoration of trust between the States and the Centre is essential for the smooth continuation of the GST system.Indian States are extremely diverse economically, apart from being politically diverse. GST was a misfit in India.
There are three issues that form the backdrop of the GST Council meeting. First is the complete breakdown of trust between the States and the Centre. Second is the Supreme Court order that said the Council’s decisions are not binding on the States. Third is the lapsing of the revenue guarantee, which the Centre had promised the States for five years.
The pandemic exposed GST’s deficiencies. Had there been no GST, the States could have managed the situation better through their resource mobilisation and allocation. They ended up fighting with the Centre.
Restoration of trust is the most fundamental challenge. In order to reverse the centralising direction of governance, the Centre should consider giving States powers of direct taxation that they have only in agriculture.
Page 15: G7 proposes $600-bn global infra plan to rival China
The G7 group announced an attempt to compete with China’s formidable Belt and Road Initiative by raising $600 billion for global infrastructure programmes in poor countries.
It aims to fill a huge gap left as communist China uses its economic clout to stretch diplomatic tentacles into the furthest reaches of the world.
U.S. to bring $200 billion to the table, with the rest of the G7 another $400 billion by 2027.
To give a positive, powerful investment impulse to the world, to show our partners in the developing world that they have a choice.
Unlike China’s state-run BRI initiative, the proposed G7 funding would depend largely on private companies being willing to commit to massive investments and is therefore not guaranteed.
Page 16: Decrypting the crypto myth
Bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies are generally perceived as assets, currencies or both.
Cryptocurrencies are computer-managed ledger entries that can function as money if someone is willing to value these entries as money and use them in transactions.
The benefits boasted by Bitcoin (the most prominent cryptocurrency) promoters are anonymity and security. ∙ Bitcoin is promoted as a financial asset which can be used as a storehouse of value analogous to gold.
For a currency to be a viable medium of exchange, the primary requirement is for it to be relatively stable in value. Bitcoin has spectacularly failed in this respect.
Gold, in comparison with Bitcoin, has been able to hold its own. Gold has been a mainstay in human society for millennia. However, like Bitcoin, it also derives a significant portion of value from the price people place on it.
Bitcoin proponents’ claim of supposed anonymity and untraceability has been falsified in multiple instances in which governments have tracked criminal activity and recovered stolen Bitcoins.
Most of the small-time investors lured into buying and holding cryptocurrencies are those looking to profit from the massive surge in Bitcoin price by more than 400% from the year 2020-21.
When one sees their peers make money, it is hard to resist the urge to mimic their actions. The accompanying effect of faulty decision-making is called an ‘information cascade’.
An information cascade causes people to value the judgment and actions of others in contrast to their own.
Thanks
Team ULF
27 जून 2022 – द हिंदू समाचार पत्र विश्लेषण
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27 जून 2022 – द हिंदू समाचार पत्र विश्लेषण
नियमित अपडेट और मुफ्त अध्ययन सामग्री के लिए अभी ULF सोशल मीडिया प्लेटफॉर्म से जुड़ें
27 जून 2022 – द हिंदू समाचार पत्र विश्लेषण
पृष्ठ 1: ‘चीन ने LAC पर उन्नत की मारक क्षमता’
पश्चिमी क्षेत्र में वास्तविक नियंत्रण रेखा (LAC) से 100 किमी के भीतर विशाल विस्तारित सैन्य आवास, लंबी दूरी की तोपखाने और रॉकेट सिस्टम, उन्नत वायु रक्षा प्रणाली, विस्तारित रनवे और लड़ाकू विमानों को रखने के लिए कठोर ब्लास्ट पेन – ये कुछ ऐसे हैं पूर्वी लद्दाख में गतिरोध शुरू होने के बाद से पिछले दो वर्षों में चीनी पीपल्स लिबरेशन आर्मी द्वारा अपनी ओर से किए गए प्रमुख उन्नयन।
उन्होंने LAC के साथ-साथ कैप्टिव सौर ऊर्जा और छोटी जल विद्युत परियोजनाएं भी स्थापित की हैं। यह उनकी सर्दियों की जीविका क्षमता को कई गुना बढ़ा देता है।
नोट :- ऐमारैंथस किरकिरे सोप्पू और डेंटिना सोप्पू सहित पत्तेदार सब्जियों की एक विस्तृत विविधता को संदर्भित करता है, अत्यधिक पौष्टिक और अभी भी खपत है लेकिन सीमित मात्रा में इसके आर्थिक लाभ भी हैं और किसान अपनी आय के पूरक के लिए कई फसल ले सकते हैं। ऐमारैंथस कैल्शियम, मैग्नीशियम, पोटेशियम, विटामिन ए, बी और सी का एक उत्कृष्ट स्रोत था, और विटामिन के का एक अविश्वसनीय स्रोत था और फसल ने अधिकांश खाद्य पदार्थों की तुलना में प्रति कैलोरी सबसे अधिक पोषण प्रदान किया।
पृष्ठ 8: प्रतिगामी, अमानवीय
जब कोई लोकतंत्र किसी संवैधानिक अधिकार को वापस ले लेता है जो लगभग आधी सदी से मौजूद है, तो उसे अपने आप को गहरे संकट में समझना चाहिए।
अमेरिका के सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने देश में कहीं भी महिलाओं से प्रजनन और शारीरिक स्वायत्तता का अधिकार वापस ले लिया।
राज्य अब यह तय कर सकते हैं कि गर्भपात पर प्रतिबंध लगाना है या गर्भावस्था में किस स्तर पर और किन परिस्थितियों में। गर्भपात पर लड़ाई अमेरिका की सबसे जुनूनी वैचारिक लड़ाई रही है।
निर्णय ने वास्तव में U.S को क्षेत्रीय रूप से विभाजित कर दिया है – ऐसे राज्य जहां महिलाओं को गर्भपात का अधिकार है, और जहां वे नहीं करते हैं। जहां वे नहीं करती हैं, अनियोजित या अवांछित गर्भधारण वाली महिलाएं, जिनमें संभवतः कुछ अधिकार क्षेत्र शामिल हैं जो मां के जीवन को खतरे में डालते हैं या बलात्कार या अनाचार का परिणाम हैं, उनके पास अन्य राज्यों में चिकित्सा सहायता लेने के अलावा कोई विकल्प नहीं हो सकता है। इसके लिए संसाधनों और समर्थन संरचनाओं की आवश्यकता है, और कई महिलाओं के पास घर के पास गुप्त, असुरक्षित गर्भपात के अलावा कोई विकल्प नहीं होगा।
यह डर है कि गर्भपात आपराधिक जांच के अधीन हो सकता है।
ILO, फेडरेशन ऑफ इंडियन चैंबर्स ऑफ कॉमर्स एंड इंडस्ट्री (FICCI) और कॉरपोरेट्स के साथ, MSMEs को रोजगार सृजित करने और बनाए रखने में सहायता कर रहा है, जिसमें 150 से अधिक MSMEs ने उत्पादकता में सुधार किया है, अंतरराष्ट्रीय मानकों के अनुरूप और वैश्विक आपूर्ति श्रृंखलाओं में एकीकृत किया है, और स्टार्ट और अपने व्यवसाय कार्यक्रम में सुधार करें।
तेजी से बदलते वैश्विक मूल्य श्रृंखला पारिस्थितिकी तंत्र में उभरते अवसरों को पूरी तरह से अनलॉक करने और जनसांख्यिकीय लाभांश को अधिकतम करने के लिए, मालिकों को अपने व्यवसायों को औपचारिक रूप देने, बेहतर उत्पादकता, अनुपालन और सबसे बढ़कर, भारत के इच्छुक युवाओं के लिए अच्छे काम और नौकरियों में निवेश करने के लिए प्रतिबद्ध होना चाहिए।
पृष्ठ 9: कैसे हनोई और नई दिल्ली रक्षा संबंधों को मजबूत कर रहे हैं
भारत की एक्ट ईस्ट नीति को आगे बढ़ाना, समुद्री बहुपक्षवाद, समुद्री सुरक्षा पहुंच और हिंद-प्रशांत में मजबूत नेटवर्क का निर्माण कुछ प्रमुख तत्व हैं जिन्होंने नई दिल्ली और हनोई को प्राकृतिक भागीदार बनाया है। दोनों देशों ने हाल ही में 2030 की दिशा में भारत-वियतनाम रक्षा साझेदारी पर संयुक्त विजन स्टेटमेंट के गायन के साथ द्विपक्षीय सहयोग को गहरा किया है।
संयुक्त विजन स्टेटमेंट का उद्देश्य दोनों देशों के बीच मौजूदा रक्षा सहयोग के दायरे और पैमाने को बढ़ावा देना है।
दोनों पक्षों ने आपसी रसद सहायता पर एक समझौता ज्ञापन (एमओयू) पर भी हस्ताक्षर किए। यह अपनी तरह का पहला समझौता है जो हनोई ने किसी अन्य देश के साथ किया है और व्यापक रणनीतिक साझेदारी (सीएसपी) की स्थिति को बढ़ाता है जिसे हनोई 2016 से नई दिल्ली के साथ साझा करता है (केवल रूस और चीन के साथ)।
भारत-प्रशांत में संचार के समुद्री मार्गों से गुजरने वाले समुद्री व्यापार की मात्रा और इन जल में संभावित और साथ ही अनुमानित ऊर्जा भंडार के कारण, इस क्षेत्र के देशों के बीच समुद्री सहयोग में तेजी से विस्तार हुआ है। निस्संदेह, भारत और वियतनाम के लिए भी, विशेष रूप से समुद्री क्षेत्र ने एक केंद्रीय फोकस पर कब्जा कर लिया है। दोनों देश हिंद-प्रशांत की स्थिरता और सुरक्षा को बनाए रखने की दिशा में अपने दृष्टिकोण में अभिसरण पाते हैं, जिसने इस क्षेत्र के भीतर विकास के संदर्भ में राजनयिक और राजनीतिक समर्थन में अनुवाद किया है।
2000 में रक्षा प्रोटोकॉल के गायन के बाद दोनों देशों के बीच रक्षा साझेदारी लगातार बढ़ रही है और आज वियतनाम की रक्षा आवश्यकताओं के लिए खुफिया, उत्पादन और सैन्य समर्थन के आदान-प्रदान, नौसेना सुविधाओं के विकास जैसे व्यापक नौसेना-से-नौसेना सहयोग को शामिल किया गया है। न्हा ट्रांग, रक्षा संवाद, उच्च स्तरीय दौरे और युद्धपोतों और क्रूज मिसाइलों की आपूर्ति।
दक्षिण चीन सागर में चीन के आवधिक उल्लंघनों के संबंध में वियतनाम सबसे मुखर देशों में से एक है और जारी है। भारत में, वियतनाम को समान रूप से समझौता न करने वाला भागीदार मिल गया है, जब यह नौवहन की स्वतंत्रता के उल्लंघन और अंतरराष्ट्रीय समुद्री कानून के तहत निहित संप्रभु समुद्री क्षेत्रीय अधिकारों के लिए खतरों के सवाल पर आता है।
दोनों देशों ने सहयोग के क्षेत्रों का विस्तार किया है और हिंद-प्रशांत क्षेत्र में एक-दूसरे की व्यक्तिगत और बहुपक्षीय भागीदारी के समर्थक हैं।
पृष्ठ 10: गर्भपात पर भारतीय कानून
1960 के दशक में, बड़ी संख्या में प्रेरित गर्भपात होने के मद्देनजर, केंद्र सरकार ने देश में गर्भपात के वैधीकरण पर विचार-विमर्श करने के लिए शांतिलाल शाह समिति के गठन का आदेश दिया।
असुरक्षित गर्भपात के कारण मातृ मृत्यु दर को कम करने के लिए, 1971 में मेडिकल टर्मिनेशन ऑफ प्रेग्नेंसी (एमटीपी) अधिनियम लागू किया गया था। यह कानून भारतीय दंड संहिता (आईपीसी) के 312 और 313 के प्रावधानों का अपवाद है और नियमों को निर्धारित करता है। चिकित्सा गर्भपात कैसे और कब किया जा सकता है।
आईपीसी की धारा 312 के तहत, एक व्यक्ति जो “स्वेच्छा से बच्चे के साथ एक महिला का गर्भपात करवाता है” सजा के लिए उत्तरदायी है, तीन * साल तक की जेल की सजा या जुर्माना या दोनों हो सकता है, जब तक कि यह अच्छे विश्वास में नहीं किया गया था जहां उद्देश्य था ताकि गर्भवती महिला की जान बचाई जा सके।
आईपीसी की धारा 313 में कहा गया है कि जो व्यक्ति गर्भवती महिला की सहमति के बिना गर्भपात का कारण बनता है, चाहे वह अपनी गर्भावस्था के अंतिम चरण में हो या नहीं, उसे आजीवन कारावास या जेल की सजा जो 10 तक हो सकती है, से दंडित किया जाएगा। साल, साथ ही जुर्माना।
मेडिकल टर्मिनेशन ऑफ प्रेग्नेंसी (संशोधन) अधिनियम, 2021 के तहत, निर्धारित परिस्थितियों में चिकित्सकीय राय के बाद गर्भपात की अनुमति है। 2021 के अधिनियम ने गर्भावधि अवधि की ऊपरी सीमा को बढ़ा दिया, जिसके लिए एक महिला 1971 के अधिनियम में अनुमत 20 सप्ताह से 24 सप्ताह तक चिकित्सकीय गर्भपात की मांग कर सकती है। लेकिन इस नवीनीकृत ऊपरी सीमा का प्रयोग केवल विशिष्ट मामलों में ही किया जा सकता है।
गर्भकालीन आयु, हफ्तों में गणना की जाती है, यह वर्णन करने के लिए चिकित्सा शब्द है कि गर्भावस्था कितनी दूर है और इसे महिला के आखिरी माहवारी या अवधि के पहले दिन से मापा जाता है।
एक अन्य प्रमुख संशोधन यह था कि गर्भावधि उम्र के 20 सप्ताह तक एक पंजीकृत चिकित्सक की राय पर एमटीपी तक नहीं पहुंचा जा सकता था। 20 सप्ताह से 24 सप्ताह तक दो पंजीकृत चिकित्सकों की राय आवश्यक है।
2021 के अधिनियम के तहत, गर्भावस्था की चिकित्सा समाप्ति की अनुमति दी जाती है यदि यह चिकित्सकीय राय द्वारा समर्थित है और निम्नलिखित कारणों में से कम से कम एक की मांग की जा रही है – (1) यदि गर्भावस्था को जारी रखने से गर्भवती महिला के जीवन को खतरा होगा (2) यदि इसे जारी रखने से महिला के शारीरिक या मानसिक स्वास्थ्य को गंभीर चोट पहुँचती है (3) पर्याप्त जोखिम के मामले में कि यदि बच्चा पैदा हुआ है, तो वह गंभीर शारीरिक या मानसिक असामान्यता से पीड़ित होगा।
इन शर्तों के तहत दो पंजीकृत चिकित्सकों की राय के बाद गर्भकालीन आयु के 24 सप्ताह तक गर्भावस्था को समाप्त किया जा सकता है – (1) यदि महिला या तो यौन उत्पीड़न या बलात्कार या अनाचार की उत्तरजीवी है (2) यदि वह नाबालिग है (3 ) यदि चल रही गर्भावस्था के दौरान उसकी वैवाहिक स्थिति बदल गई है (अर्थात विधवापन या तलाक) यह गंभीर रूप से विकलांग होगा (6) यदि महिला मानवीय सेटिंग्स या आपदा, या सरकार द्वारा घोषित आपातकालीन स्थितियों में है।
इसके अलावा, यदि गर्भावस्था को 24 सप्ताह की गर्भकालीन आयु से परे समाप्त करना है, तो यह केवल भ्रूण की असामान्यताओं के आधार पर किया जा सकता है, यदि अधिनियम के तहत इसलिए प्रत्येक राज्य में स्थापित चार सदस्यीय मेडिकल बोर्ड, ऐसा करने की अनुमति देता है।
कानून, उपरोक्त शर्तों में से किसी के होते हुए भी, यह भी प्रावधान करता है कि जहां गर्भवती महिला के जीवन को बचाने के लिए तत्काल आवश्यक हो, गर्भपात किसी भी समय एक पंजीकृत चिकित्सक द्वारा किया जा सकता है।
अविवाहित महिलाएं भी उपरोक्त शर्तों के तहत गर्भपात तक पहुंच सकती हैं, क्योंकि इसमें पति-पत्नी की सहमति की आवश्यकता का उल्लेख नहीं है। हालांकि, अगर महिला नाबालिग है, तो अभिभावक की सहमति आवश्यक है।
इस तथ्य के बावजूद कि मौजूदा कानून देश में बिना शर्त गर्भपात की अनुमति नहीं देते हैं, 2017 में जस्टिस के.एस. पुट्टस्वामी बनाम भारत संघ और अन्य, सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने माना था कि गर्भवती व्यक्ति द्वारा गर्भावस्था जारी रखने या न करने का निर्णय ऐसे व्यक्ति के निजता के अधिकार का भी हिस्सा है और इसलिए, जीवन और व्यक्तिगत का अधिकार संविधान के अनुच्छेद 21 के तहत स्वतंत्रता।
MTP अधिनियम में केवल स्त्री रोग या प्रसूति में विशेषज्ञता वाले डॉक्टरों द्वारा गर्भपात करने की आवश्यकता है। हालांकि, ग्रामीण स्वास्थ्य सांख्यिकी पर स्वास्थ्य और परिवार कल्याण मंत्रालय की 2019-20 की रिपोर्ट बताती है कि ग्रामीण भारत में प्रसूति-स्त्री रोग विशेषज्ञों की 70% कमी है।
जैसा कि कानून इच्छा पर गर्भपात की अनुमति नहीं देता है, आलोचकों का कहना है कि यह महिलाओं को असुरक्षित परिस्थितियों में अवैध गर्भपात का उपयोग करने के लिए प्रेरित करता है।
पृष्ठ 11: भारत के नए वीपीएन नियमों के निहितार्थ
भारत की साइबर सुरक्षा एजेंसी ने वर्चुअल प्राइवेट नेटवर्क (वीपीएन) प्रदाताओं को 180 दिनों के लिए अपने ग्राहकों के लॉग रिकॉर्ड करने और रखने के लिए एक नियम पारित किया। इसने इन फर्मों को पांच साल तक ग्राहक डेटा एकत्र करने और संग्रहीत करने के लिए भी कहा। यह आगे अनिवार्य है कि दर्ज किए गए किसी भी साइबर अपराध को अपराध के छह घंटे के भीतर सीईआरटी-इन (कंप्यूटर इमरजेंसी रिस्पांस टीम) को सूचित किया जाना चाहिए।
सीईआरटी-इन नियमों के जवाब में, वीपीएन प्रदाता या तो अपने सर्वर को देश से बाहर ले जा रहे हैं या भारत में अपने भौतिक सर्वर बंद कर देंगे और भारत के बाहर स्थित वर्चुअल सर्वर के माध्यम से भारत में उपयोगकर्ताओं को पूरा करेंगे।
सीईआरटी-इन निर्देश डेटा केंद्रों, वर्चुअल प्राइवेट सर्वर (वीपीएस) प्रदाताओं, क्लाउड सेवा प्रदाताओं, वर्चुअल एसेट सेवा प्रदाताओं, वर्चुअल एसेट एक्सचेंज प्रदाताओं, कस्टोडियन वॉलेट प्रदाताओं और सरकारी संगठनों पर लागू होते हैं। वीपीएन प्रौद्योगिकियों के माध्यम से इंटरनेट प्रॉक्सी जैसी सेवाएं प्रदान करने वाली फर्में भी नए नियम के दायरे में आती हैं। कॉर्पोरेट संस्थाएं जांच के दायरे में नहीं हैं।
भारत छोड़कर वीपीएन आपूर्तिकर्ता अपने बढ़ते आईटी क्षेत्र के लिए अच्छा नहीं है। ऐसी कट्टरपंथी कार्रवाई करना जो भारत में लाखों लोगों की गोपनीयता को अत्यधिक प्रभावित करती है, सबसे अधिक संभावना है कि यह प्रतिकूल होगा और देश में आईटी क्षेत्र के विकास को जोरदार नुकसान पहुंचाएगा।
वर्चुअल सर्वर एक वास्तविक भौतिक सर्वर पर निर्मित एक नकली सर्वर वातावरण है। यह एक समर्पित भौतिक सर्वर की कार्यक्षमता को फिर से बनाता है। वर्चुअल ट्विन एक भौतिक सर्वर की तरह कार्य करता है जो सॉफ्टवेयर चलाता है और भौतिक सर्वर के संसाधनों का उपयोग करता है। एकाधिक वर्चुअल सर्वर एक भौतिक सर्वर पर चल सकते हैं।
वर्चुअल सर्वर को भौतिक सर्वर इन्फ्रास्ट्रक्चर की तुलना में उच्च सुरक्षा प्रदान करने के लिए भी कहा जाता है क्योंकि ऑपरेटिंग सिस्टम और एप्लिकेशन वर्चुअल मशीन में संलग्न होते हैं। यह वर्चुअल मशीन के अंदर सुरक्षा हमलों और दुर्भावनापूर्ण व्यवहार को रोकने में मदद करता है।
वर्चुअल सर्वर विभिन्न ऑपरेटिंग सिस्टमों और संस्करणों में अनुप्रयोगों के परीक्षण और डिबगिंग में भी उपयोगी होते हैं, उन्हें कई भौतिक मशीनों में मैन्युअल रूप से स्थापित और चलाने के बिना। सॉफ़्टवेयर डेवलपर वर्चुअल सर्वर पर नए सॉफ़्टवेयर एप्लिकेशन बना सकते हैं, चला सकते हैं और परीक्षण कर सकते हैं, अन्य उपयोगकर्ताओं से प्रोसेसिंग पावर को दूर किए बिना।
पृष्ठ 13: ‘राज्यों और केंद्र के बीच विश्वास की बहाली जीएसटी प्रणाली के लिए जरूरी’
जीएसटी प्रणाली को सुचारू रूप से जारी रखने के लिए राज्यों और केंद्र के बीच विश्वास की बहाली आवश्यक है। राजनीतिक रूप से विविध होने के अलावा, भारतीय राज्य आर्थिक रूप से अत्यंत विविध हैं। भारत में जीएसटी एक मिसफिट था।
जीएसटी परिषद की बैठक की पृष्ठभूमि में तीन मुद्दे हैं। पहला राज्यों और केंद्र के बीच विश्वास का पूर्ण टूटना है। दूसरा सुप्रीम कोर्ट का आदेश है जिसमें कहा गया है कि परिषद के फैसले राज्यों पर बाध्यकारी नहीं हैं। तीसरा है राजस्व गारंटी का व्यपगत होना, जो केंद्र ने राज्यों को पांच साल के लिए देने का वादा किया था।
महामारी ने जीएसटी की कमियों को उजागर कर दिया। यदि जीएसटी नहीं होता, तो राज्य अपने संसाधन जुटाने और आवंटन के माध्यम से स्थिति को बेहतर ढंग से प्रबंधित कर सकते थे। उन्होंने केंद्र के साथ लड़ाई समाप्त कर दी।
विश्वास की बहाली सबसे बुनियादी चुनौती है। शासन के केंद्रीकरण की दिशा को उलटने के लिए, केंद्र को राज्यों को प्रत्यक्ष कराधान की शक्तियां देने पर विचार करना चाहिए जो उनके पास केवल कृषि में हैं।
पृष्ठ 15: जी7 ने चीन को टक्कर देने के लिए 600 अरब डॉलर की वैश्विक बुनियादी ढांचा योजना का प्रस्ताव रखा
G7 समूह ने गरीब देशों में वैश्विक बुनियादी ढांचा कार्यक्रमों के लिए 600 बिलियन डॉलर जुटाकर चीन की दुर्जेय बेल्ट एंड रोड पहल के साथ प्रतिस्पर्धा करने के प्रयास की घोषणा की।
इसका उद्देश्य बचे हुए एक बड़े अंतर को भरना है क्योंकि कम्युनिस्ट चीन अपने आर्थिक दबदबे का उपयोग राजनयिक जाल को दुनिया के सबसे दूर तक पहुंचाने के लिए करता है।
यू.एस. $200 बिलियन को तालिका में लाने के लिए, शेष G7 के साथ 2027 तक $400 बिलियन।
दुनिया को एक सकारात्मक, शक्तिशाली निवेश आवेग देने के लिए, विकासशील देशों में हमारे भागीदारों को यह दिखाने के लिए कि उनके पास एक विकल्प है।
चीन की सरकारी बीआरआई पहल के विपरीत, प्रस्तावित जी7 फंडिंग काफी हद तक निजी कंपनियों पर निर्भर करेगी कि वे बड़े पैमाने पर निवेश करने के लिए तैयार हैं और इसलिए इसकी गारंटी नहीं है।
पृष्ठ 16: क्रिप्टो मिथक को डिक्रिप्ट करना
बिटकॉइन और अन्य क्रिप्टोकरेंसी को आम तौर पर संपत्ति, मुद्रा या दोनों के रूप में माना जाता है।
क्रिप्टोक्यूरेंसी कंप्यूटर-प्रबंधित खाता बही प्रविष्टियाँ हैं जो धन के रूप में कार्य कर सकती हैं यदि कोई व्यक्ति इन प्रविष्टियों को धन के रूप में मूल्य देने और लेनदेन में उनका उपयोग करने के लिए तैयार है।
बिटकॉइन (सबसे प्रमुख क्रिप्टोक्यूरेंसी) प्रमोटरों द्वारा दावा किए गए लाभ गुमनामी और सुरक्षा हैं। बिटकॉइन को एक वित्तीय संपत्ति के रूप में प्रचारित किया जाता है जिसका उपयोग सोने के समान मूल्य के भंडार के रूप में किया जा सकता है।
एक मुद्रा के लिए विनिमय का एक व्यवहार्य माध्यम होने के लिए, प्राथमिक आवश्यकता इसके लिए मूल्य में अपेक्षाकृत स्थिर होना है। इस संबंध में बिटकॉइन शानदार रूप से विफल रहा है।
बिटकॉइन की तुलना में सोना अपनी पकड़ बनाए रखने में सफल रहा है। सहस्राब्दियों से मानव समाज में सोना एक मुख्य आधार रहा है। हालांकि, बिटकॉइन की तरह, यह भी लोगों द्वारा उस पर रखी गई कीमत से मूल्य का एक महत्वपूर्ण हिस्सा प्राप्त करता है।
बिटकॉइन समर्थकों के कथित गुमनामी और अप्राप्यता के दावे को कई उदाहरणों में गलत साबित किया गया है जिसमें सरकारों ने आपराधिक गतिविधि पर नज़र रखी है और चोरी हुए बिटकॉइन बरामद किए हैं।
अधिकांश छोटे-छोटे निवेशक क्रिप्टोकरेंसी खरीदने और रखने का लालच देते हैं, जो वर्ष 2020-21 से बिटकॉइन की कीमत में 400% से अधिक की भारी वृद्धि से लाभ की तलाश में हैं।
जब कोई अपने साथियों को पैसा कमाते देखता है, तो उनके कार्यों की नकल करने की इच्छा का विरोध करना कठिन होता है। दोषपूर्ण निर्णय लेने के साथ-साथ प्रभाव को ‘सूचना झरना’ कहा जाता है।
एक सूचना कैस्केड लोगों को अपने स्वयं के विपरीत दूसरों के निर्णय और कार्यों को महत्व देता है।
धन्यवाद
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