Micro-credentials, the next chapter in higher education
Editorials & Articles Analysis – 5th Feb 2024
Northern Ireland gets a govt after two years
Why in news?
- An Irish nationalist made history recently by becoming Northern Ireland’s first minister as the government returned to work after a two-year boycott.
- The Parliament of Northern Ireland was paralysed over new trade rules between the European Union and the United Kingdom necessitated by Brexit.
What’s in today’s article?
- Governance system of Ireland
- Northern Ireland Protocol and Collapse of parliament in 2022
- The new deal
Governance system of Ireland
- Background
- Northern Ireland was created in May 1921 by partitioning Ireland, and consists of the six northeastern counties of the island.
- In 1922, the rest of Ireland gained independence from the British (today’s Republic of Ireland, with its capital in Dublin).
- Northern Ireland remained with the United Kingdom, but tensions simmered between the side loyal to the Crown, and the faction wanting to join the Republic.
- Today, the side loyal to the British Union are called unionists, while those who support a united and free Ireland are called nationalists.
- Northern Ireland was created in May 1921 by partitioning Ireland, and consists of the six northeastern counties of the island.
- Belfast Agreement or the Good Friday agreement
- By the end of the 1960s, a bloody conflict was raging in Northern Ireland among those who wished to remain with the UK and those who wanted to join Ireland.
- Finally, in 1998, the Good Friday Agreement was signed to end the bloodshed, and gave Northern Ireland a unique system of governance.
- Unique system of governance
- Both unionists and nationalists share power in Stormont, the Parliament buildings in Belfast.
- Both sides have to cooperate for the government to work.
- While the faction that wins more votes in elections gets the post of First Minister, the other side gets the chair of Deputy First Minister, with equal power.
Northern Ireland Protocol and Collapse of parliament in 2022
- Background: Northern Ireland Protocol
- After the UK left the European Union, Northern Ireland remained its only constituent that shared a land border with an EU-member, the Republic of Ireland.
- Great Britain (England, Scotland and Wales) together with Northern Ireland forms the United Kingdom.
- Since the EU and the UK have different product standards, border checks would be necessary before goods could move from Northern Ireland to Ireland.
- However, an open border between the two was a key component of the 1998 Good Friday agreement.
- Keeping this in mind, Northern Ireland Protocol was negotiated in 2020 between the U.K. and the E.U.
- After the UK left the European Union, Northern Ireland remained its only constituent that shared a land border with an EU-member, the Republic of Ireland.
- About the protocol
- The protocol is a trading agreement that was negotiated in 2020 between the U.K. and the E.U.
- Under this agreement both the U.K. and E.U. agreed that the inspection of goods would be conducted between Great Britain and Northern Ireland.
- This agreement effectively created a de facto border in the Irish Sea between Northern Ireland and the rest of the U.K.
- Northern Ireland continued to follow many of the EU’s rules, meaning that lorries can continue to drive across the border without having to be inspected.
- The protocol was signed as part of the Brexit withdrawal agreement, which is now ratified under international law.
- Protocol led to the Collapse of Northern Ireland Parliament (Stormont) in 2022
- This protocol angered the unionists, who believed it undermined Northern Ireland’s position with the UK.
- Thus, the Unionists refused to allow government formation after Northern Ireland went to polls in May 2022, and did not allow Stormont to function.
The new deal
- Various efforts were made to resolve the problem, including the Windsor Framework of February 2023.
- Windsor Framework
- The framework has two crucial aspects:
- the introduction of a green lane and red lane system for goods that will stay in Northern Ireland and those that will go to the EU respectively;
- the ‘Stormont Brake’, which allows Northern Ireland lawmakers and London to veto any EU regulation they believe affects the region adversely.
- British goods meant for Northern Ireland will use the green lane at the ports, and will be allowed to pass with minimal paperwork and checks.
- Goods destined for Ireland or the rest of the EU will have to take the red lane, with the attendant customs and other checks.
- The new Stormont Brake means the democratically elected Northern Ireland Assembly can oppose new EU goods rules that would have significant and lasting effects on everyday lives in Northern Ireland.
- For this, they will need the support of 30 members from at least two parties.
- The British government can then veto the law.
- The framework has two crucial aspects:
- A new deal has been reached
- Windsor Framework was refused by the Unionist by saying that these measures were far too little.
- Now, a new deal has been reached, published as a command paper called ‘Safeguarding the Union’ by the UK government.
- Its three main points include:
- The green lane is now called the UK Internal Market channel, on which checks and customs paperwork have been reduced further, to only “risk and intelligence-based checks” relating to “criminality, smuggling and disease”;
- There is a “Internal Market Guarantee” which says that at least 80% of Great Britain to Northern Ireland goods will pass through this channel;
- the UK government will extend a £3.3 billion package to help Northern Ireland’s finances.
High Court Directs Assam Government To Halt Unauthorised Buffalo Fights
Why in news?
- The Guwahati High Court directed the Assam government to stop any further buffalo fights from taking place in the state of Assam.
- This decision came in response to PETA India’s application for interim relief against traditional Buffalo fights competition which was allowed this year by Assam Government.
- With this, the Assam government’s attempt to revive traditional practices of buffalo and bulbul (songbird) fighting during Magh Bihu has come up against a legal challenge.
What’s in today’s article?
- Magh Bihu
- News Summary
Magh Bihu
- About
- Magh Bihu, also known as Bhogali Bihu or Maghor Bihu, is a harvesting festival celebrated in Assam.
- The festival has its roots in the agricultural traditions of Assam and falls in the month of Magh, which falls in January. It marks the end of the harvesting season.
- History
- Bihu’s history dates back to ancient times (3500 BC) when people offered fire sacrifices to improve their harvest.
- The Dimasa Kacharis tribe is known to be the festival’s first-known ancestors.
- Rituals
- Magh Bihu is celebrated over two days.
- The first day is known as Uruka or Bihu eve.
- On this day, Meiji (bonfire)is burnt with people singing Bihu songs, beating Dhol, and celebrating with their loved ones.
- The main Magh Bihu is observed the next day.
- People take a bath early in the morning and play traditional Assamese games like Tekeli Bonga (pot-breaking) and buffalo fighting.
- Significance
- Magh Bihu holds agricultural and social significance as it is time to celebrate new yield and renew ties of friendship and brotherhood.
- The festival emphasises sharing meals with the community.
- The agricultural significance of the festival marks the end of the harvesting season, celebration of new yield, and thanking the ancestors and the Gods for a bountiful harvest.
- The social significance is that during this time communities come together for celebrations.
News Summary: High Court Directs Assam Government To Halt Unauthorised Buffalo Fights
- The Assam government’s attempt to revive traditional practices of buffalo and bulbul (songbird) fighting during Magh Bihu has come up against a legal challenge.
An age-old tradition
- About
- These fights are part of the folk culture associated with the Assamese winter harvest festival of Magh Bihu.
- Buffalo fights are held in different parts of Assam during Magh Bihu, with Ahatguri in Nagaon district being the biggest centre.
- Bulbul fights, on the other hand, are an attraction at the Hayagriv Madhab Mandir in Hajo, around 30 km from Gauhati.
- Significance
- While the buffalo fights are folk culture and tradition, this is tied to religion.
- The practice is very old and was held with great pomp by the Ahom rulers.
- Discontinued after SC ruling
- The fights had been stopped on the heels of the Supreme Court’s 2014 judgement.
- The judgement forbade the use of bulls as performing animals in jallikattu events and bullock-cart races in Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra or anywhere else in the country.
- Recent SC judgement and Assam govt’s plan to revive the fight
- The Supreme Court, in May 2023, overruled its 2014 judgement.
- It upheld amendments made by Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra and Karnataka governments to the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act 1960 to allow jallikattu, kambala and bullock cart racing.
- Subsequently, in December 2023, the Assam Cabinet gave a go-ahead for the framing of SOPs for the conduct of buffalo and bulbul fights without deliberate torture or cruelty to the animals.
- With the release of these guidelines, the activities were held again during Magh Bihu this year.
- PETA’s challenge
- PETA India has now filed two linked petitions before the Guwahati High Court seeking the prohibition of both activities.
Uniform Civil Code
Why in the News?
- The Uttarakhand Assembly is likely to pass the State’s Uniform Civil Code (UCC) Bill during its four-day-long session in February.
What’s in Today’s Article?
- About UCC (Meaning, Constitutional Provision for UCC, Need for UCC, Criticism, Way forward)
- Present Status of Personal Laws in India
- News Summary (Provisions of Uttarakhand’s UCC Bill)
About Uniform Civil Code (UCC):
- A Uniform Civil Code refers to a single law for the entire country, applicable to all religious communities in their personal matters such as marriage, divorce, inheritance, adoption etc.
- It is intended to replace the system of fragmented personal laws, which currently govern interpersonal relationships and related matters within different religious communities.
Constitution of India on UCC:
- Article 44 of the Constitution lays down that the State shall endeavour to secure a Uniform Civil Code for the citizens throughout the territory of India.
- Article 44 is one of the Directive Principles mentioned in Part-IV of the Constitution.
- These, as defined in Article 37, are not justiciable (not enforceable by any court) but the principles laid down therein are fundamental in governance.
- These principles consists of all the ideals which the State should follow and keep in mind while formulating policies and enacting laws for the country.
Present Status of Personal Laws in India:
- Personal law subjects such as marriage, divorce, inheritance come under the Concurrent list of the Constitution.
- Both, the Parliament and state legislature can make laws with respect to any of the matters enumerated in the Concurrent List.
- The Hindu personal laws have been codified into four parts by the Parliament in 1956:
- The Hindu Marriage Act, 1955
- The Hindu Succession Act, 1956
- The Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act, 1956
- The Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act, 1956
- The term ‘Hindu’ also includes Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists for the purpose of these laws.
- Muslim personals laws are not codified per se, and are based on their religious texts, though certain aspects of these are expressly recognised in acts such as the Shariat Application Act, 1937 and Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act, 1939 and Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act, 2019.
- Christians, Zoroastrians and Jews are also governed by their own personal laws.
Exception of Goa:
- Goa is, at present, the only state in India with a uniform civil code.
- The Portuguese Civil Code of 1867, which continues to be implemented after India annexed the territory in 1961, applies to all Goans, irrespective of their religious or ethnic community.
Need for a Uniform Civil Code in India:
- A Uniform Civil Code would provide equal status to all citizens irrespective of the community they belong to.
- Personal laws of different religions are widely divergent and there is no consistency in how issues like marriage, succession and adoption are treated for people belonging to different communities.
- This is contradictory to Article 14 of the Constitution, which guarantees Equality before the Law.
- Personal laws, because they derive from tradition and custom, also tend to give undue advantage to men.
- This becomes evident in examples such as Muslim men being allowed to marry multiple wives, but women being forbidden from having multiple husbands.
- Men (fathers) are also treated as ‘natural guardians’ and are given preference under the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act.
- A UCC could lead to consistency and gender equality in India.
Criticism of UCC:
- Although it reinforces equality before the law, the idea of a UCC clashes with the Right to Freedom of Religion, provided under Article 25 of the Constitution.
- Separate personal laws are one of the ways in which people have exercised their right to practise their own religion, which has been particularly important for minorities.
- The UCC could become a tool to erode this right, suppress minorities and homogenise culture.
Way Forward:
- A progressive and broadminded outlook should be encouraged among the people to understand the spirit of the UCC. For this, education, awareness and sensitisation programmes must be taken up.
- Meanwhile, discriminatory personal laws should be amended/abolished accordingly.
- The Law Commission in its report titled “Reform of Family Law” (2018) had suggested that the best way forward would be to preserve the diversity of personal laws while ensuring that they do not contradict fundamental rights.
- The report suggested that by codifying different personal laws, one can arrive at certain universal principles that prioritize equity rather than blanket imposition of a Uniform Civil Code.
News Summary:
- In May 2022, the Uttarakhand government announced the constitution of a five-member committee led by former Supreme Court judge Justice Ranjana Prakash Desai to draft the Uniform Civil Code.
- Recently, the panel submitted its final report on the UCC.
- The Uttarakhand Legislative Assembly is now likely to pass the Uniform Civil Code Bill in the upcoming assembly session.
- The draft will be discussed in a meeting of the State Cabinet before it is tabled in the form of a Bill in the Assembly.
What Provisions Can be Expected?
- The draft UCC is set to focus on gender equality by introducing provisions that treat men and women equally, especially in matters pertaining to inheritance.
- Catering to demands from Muslim women in the State, it will also revoke practices governing marriage and divorce such as polygamy, iddat (mandatory period of waiting to be observed by women following the dissolution of a Muslim marriage) and triple talaq.
- The Code is also likely to extend an equal property share to Muslim women against the existing 25% share accorded under Muslim personal laws.
- Other issues such as divorce, marriage registrations, adoption, and social security for ageing parents will also be covered under the law.
Centre’s solar initiative should be accommodative to States
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Interim Budget Announcement:
- Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman announces a plan to supply power to one crore households using rooftop solar panels.
- Aimed at helping households save ₹15,000 annually, with a focus on those consuming less than 300 units/month.
Financial Aspects:
- Monthly consumption criteria imply a potential minimum outlay of ₹1 lakh crore.
- Current rooftop solar systems subsidized up to 40%, proposed policy increases subsidy to 60%.
- Remaining cost financed by a private developer affiliated with a public sector enterprise in the Power Ministry.
Quality Assurance and Service Reliability:
- Involvement of private developers ensures quality installation and reliable service.
- Mechanism of ‘net-metering’ allows households to sell surplus electricity back to the grid to offset the loan.
Eligibility and Targets:
- Houses with monthly consumption below 300 units targeted; approximately 80-85% of Indian households fall within this range.
- Aiming to solarize one crore households, making it a significant move towards decentralization.
Centre’s Role vs. State Discoms:
- A departure from previous policies as the Centre, not State power distribution companies (discoms), drives solarization.
- Discoms, historically reluctant due to losses, possess crucial household-level power supply information.
Industry Impact:
- Centre’s push expected to boost domestic solar panel industry; subsidies not applicable for imported panels.
- Intended to galvanize the installation of rooftop solar panels, particularly for household use.
Challenges and Risks:
- Need for adjustments to make the plan more accommodating to States.
- Past challenges may resurface without addressing potential obstacles and garnering state-level cooperation.
Current Status and Targets:
- Only 12 GW out of the intended 40 GW of rooftop solar panels installed so far.
- Household rooftops contribute only 2.7 GW; the rest allocated to commercial or building units.
Conclusion:
- In conclusion, India’s rooftop solar plan signals a commendable effort to decentralize power and promote a domestic solar industry.
- However, success hinges on effective coordination with state-level stakeholders to overcome past challenges and meet ambitious targets.
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Introduction:
- Higher Education Institutes (HEIs) in India should actively contribute to enhancing student employability.
- There’s a gap between knowledge acquired in HEIs and skills needed for employability.
Micro-Credentials as a Solution:
- Micro-credentials are short-duration learning activities with proof of specific learning outcomes.
- They bridge the gap by offering just-in-time modern skills and competencies.
- Offer flexibility, accessibility, and advantages over traditional degrees.
Essence of Micro-Credentials:
- Offered in online, physical, or hybrid modes at various levels.
- Contrasted with macro-credentials (e.g., undergraduate degrees) that require years of study.
- Designed for life-long learners, including working professionals.
- Terminology includes digital badges, micro-master degrees, nano-degrees, and online certificates.
Key Players in Micro-Credentials:
- Various organizations such as Atingi, Alison.com, Credly, Coursera, edX, FutureLearn, Google, Linkedin, Microsoft, PwC, and Udacity.
- Many universities globally, including Australia, Canada, Europe, the UK, and the US, provide micro-credentials.
Credit System in Micro-Credentials:
- Unlike macro-credentials, micro-credentials associate credit with notional hours spent acquiring defined competencies.
- Clear quality benchmarking and regulation needed for universal validation and recognition.
- India’s National Credit Framework (NCrF) provides a basis for credit accumulation and progression.
Fostering Trust in Micro-Credentials:
- Alignment with higher education standards in delivery, assessment, grading, and qualification awarding is crucial.
- Reliable assessment methods are essential, and HEIs play a vital role in this.
- Integration with the Academic Bank of Credits (ABC) enhances portability and stackability.
Opportunities for Indian HEIs:
- National Credit Framework (NCrF) implementation in India provides an opportunity for HEIs to develop micro-credentials.
- HEIs can partner with industries to create credit-based micro-credentials within regular degree programs.
- Broader deliberations needed on the potential impact and additional value of micro-credentials in tertiary education.
Demand for Micro-Credentials in India:
- National Education Policy 2020 focuses on providing skilled education from school to higher levels.
- Employers seek skilled employees, increasing the demand for micro-credentials.
- Millions of students may view micro-credentials as a value-added advantage.
Recommendations:
- Indian HEIs should consider introducing micro-credentials as a vital element of their strategic institutional objectives.
- Regulators and HEIs should work towards harmonizing micro-credentials with existing academic programs and establish clear validation metrics.
Conclusion:
- In conclusion, the adoption of micro-credentials in Indian Higher Education offers a timely solution to bridge the knowledge-employability gap.
- Embracing this flexible approach aligns with the evolving needs of students, employers, and the transformative vision outlined in the National Education Policy 2020.
Changing gears to grow
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More about the news: Post-COVID Economic Recovery:
- The Modi government has shown commendable performance in the post-COVID recovery period, with the Economic Review by the Department of Economic Affairs projecting over 7% GDP growth for three consecutive years (FY22 to FY24).
- This surpasses the global average and growth in most G20 countries, instilling confidence in the economic trajectory.
Comparative Analysis: Modi Government vs. UPA Government:
- A comparative analysis of the Modi government’s 10-year tenure with the UPA government on key parameters reveals macro-economic achievements.
- India’s real GDP grew by 5.9% per annum between FY15-FY24, with a lower CPI inflation rate of 5.1% compared to 8.1% during the UPA period.
- Multidimensional poverty decreased significantly, and the unemployment rate dropped from 6% in FY18 to 3.2% in FY23.
Challenges in Agriculture Sector:
- Despite overall economic growth, challenges persist in the agriculture sector, employing 45.8% of the working population.
- The sector’s growth rate is projected to be 1.8% in FY24, raising concerns about the effectiveness of the inclusive growth model and the promise of doubling farmers’ real incomes by FY23.
Strategies for Inclusive and Sustainable Growth:
- Moving forward, achieving inclusive and environmentally sustainable growth requires reorienting subsidies towards sustainable development expenditures and fiscal consolidation.
- The interim Union budget for FY25 demonstrates a provision of Rs 47.6 trillion for expenditure and aims to reduce the fiscal deficit from 5.8% of GDP in FY24 to 5.1% in FY25.
Rationalizing Subsidies for Development Focus:
- Major welfare subsidies, including fertiliser, food, MGNREGA, and PM-KISAN, need rationalization and targeting to redirect resources towards development expenditures and environmental sustainability.
- This includes investments in agri-R&D, micro-irrigation, rural roads, agri-marketing infrastructure, and building efficient value chains.
Gender-Inclusive Initiatives:
- The FY25 budget allocates increased funds for the Department of Fisheries, Animal Husbandry, and Dairying, recognizing their significant contribution within the agri-sector.
- Additionally, there is commendable progress in the allocation for the PM Awas Yojana (Gramin), with over 70% of houses allotted to women as sole or joint owners, promoting permanent asset creation and enhancing livelihoods in rural areas.
Synchronizing MGNREGA and PM Awas Yojana:
- An innovative step in synchronizing MGNREGA in rural areas with the PM Awas Yojana is proposed, aiming to provide every household with a reasonably good shelter, aligning with the vision of “Ram Rajya” in rural areas.
Conclusion:
- The article concludes by emphasizing the need for continued efforts to achieve inclusive growth, address environmental challenges, and synchronize welfare programs for maximum impact.
- The proposed initiatives not only contribute to sustainable development but also hold the potential to influence electoral outcomes positively.
Ways to Deal with the High Govt Debt
Why in News?
- The current government will end its second term with overall public debt in excess of 80% of India’s gross domestic product (GDP) at current market prices.
What’s in Today’s Article?
- What Government/ Public Debt Entails?
- Data Related to the Public Debt in India
- Why has India’s Public Debt Spiraled?
- Scenario in Other Economies
- Ways to Deal with the High Govt Debt
What Government/ Public Debt Entails?
- Government debt is basically the outstanding domestic and foreign loans (plus other liabilities) raised by the Centre and states (to meet its development expenditure) – on which they have to pay interest and the principal amounts borrowed.
- It is measured by the debt-to-GDP ratio, which is the ratio between a country’s government debt (measured in units of currency) and its gross domestic product (GDP) (measured in units of currency per year).
- As per the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRBM)Act 2003,
- The general government debt (Centre + states) was supposed to be brought down to 60% of GDP by 2024-25.
- The Centre’s own total outstanding liabilities were not to exceed 40% within that time schedule.
Data Related to the Public Debt in India:
- According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), general government debt – the combined domestic and external liabilities of both the Centre and the states – touched 84.4% of GDP in 2003-04.
- That ratio fell to a low of 66.4% in 2010-11 and rose gradually to 67.7% in 2013-14 and 70.4% in 2018-19.
- The debt-GDP ratio soars to 75% in 2019-20 and peaks at 88.5% in 2020-21, before easing to 83.8% and 81% in the following two fiscal years (April-March).
- In absolute terms, the Centre’s total liabilities have more than doubled from Rs 90.84 lakh crore to Rs 183.67 lakh crore between 2018-19 and 2024-25.
- The IMF has projected the ratio at 82% in the current fiscal and 82.4% for 2024-25, which is still close to the high levels of the early 2000s.
Why has India’s Public Debt Spiraled?
- The most obvious reason is the Covid-induced disruptions that forced governments to borrow more – to fund additional public health and social safety net expenditure requirements – amid a drying up of revenues.
- The Indian government, apart from spending more on income and consumption support schemes, also stepped-up public investments in roads, railways and other infrastructure.
- The Centre’s capital expenditure dropped from 3.9% to 1.5% of GDP between 2003-04 and 2017-18.
- It revived significantly thereafter to reach 3.2% in 2023-24 and 3.4% in the Interim Budget for 2024-25.
- All these widened the deficits and only added to debt. For example, the Centre’s fiscal deficit alone increased from 3.4% of GDP in 2018-19 to 4.6% in 2019-20, 9.2% in 2020-21 and 6.8% in 2021-22.
Scenario in Other Economies:
- India was no exception though. Most countries sought to mitigate the impact of the pandemic through fiscal stimulus and relief programmes.
- General government debt climbed from 108.7% of GDP in 2019 to 133.5% in 2020 and 121.4% in 2022 for the US; from 97.4% to 115.1% and 111.7% for France; and 60.4% to 70.1% and 77.1% for China during these years.
Ways to Deal with the High Govt Debt:
- The FRBM Act envisaged limiting the Centre’s gross fiscal deficit to 3% of GDP by 2020-21.
- The Union Budget 2021-22, announced to attain a fiscal deficit-to-GDP ratio of “below 4.5%” by 2025-26.
- But given the high post-pandemic starting points in 2020-21 and 2021-22, the deficit ratios of “below 4.5%” by 2025-26 will be difficult to achieve.
- There are two other routes as well for bringing the latter down. That would involve what one may call the denominator effect.
- Government debt and fiscal deficits are usually quoted as ratios to GDP at current market prices.
- This means, high nominal GDP growth – the denominator rising faster than the numerator – can go some way in solving the government’s debt problem.
- GDP growth can be driven by both increases in real output and inflation.
- This actually happened during 2003-04 to 2010-11, when India witnessed an average annual GDP growth of 7.4% in real and 15%-plus in nominal terms after adding inflation.
- India probably needs a combination of both fiscal consolidation and growth (from output more than inflation) to deal with its current debt woes, which are also a result of Covid.